검색결과: "All"에 해당하는 글 84건 | Search results for "All": 84 post(s)

  1. 2015.02.25 [국가인권위 사이버인권교육] 2015년 1기 (2015. 3.)
  2. 2015.02.17 [국가인권위] 대북전단살포 제지 안된다는 의견 표명
  3. 2015.02.14 [국회방송] 국회토론광장: 북한 인권법, 바람직한 제정방향은?
  4. 2015.02.11 [변협] UN 경제사회이사회 특별협의지위 획득
  5. 2015.02.06 미국 역사학자들, 일본정부가 출판사, 역사학자들의 '위안부'에 관한 연구결과 수정토록 압력행사 반대 성명
  6. 2015.02.03 [KOCUN] 2015 제2회 유엔인권정책아카데미
  7. 2015.02.02 [AP통신] UN 관리, "북한인권과 김 일가에 대한 숭배는 공존 불가"
  8. 2015.01.29 [국가인권위] ICC 승인소위 권고의 실효적 이행을 위한 토론회
  9. 2015.01.22 [유럽의회 인권소위] 킹(Robert King) 미국 국무부 북한인권특사와 의견교환
  10. 2015.01.16 [공감] 월례포럼: '인권, 국제인권 그리고 법관의 역할' - 김성수 판사
  11. 2015.01.15 K-pop 가수가 포옹한 말레이 무슬림 소녀팬 체포 위기
  12. 2015.01.14 [APIL] 자유권규약 이행에 관한 대한민국 제4차 국가보고서 쟁점목록 위한 기업인권네트워크의 NGO 보고서
  13. 2015.01.13 [민변] 자유권규약 이행에 관한 대한민국 제4차 국가보고서 쟁점목록 위한 시민사회단체의 약식보고서
  14. 2015.01.13 [APIL] 자유권규약 이행에 관한 대한민국 제4차 국가보고서 쟁점목록 위한 APIL의 단독 NGO 보고서
  15. 2015.01.06 의정부지법 "당국의 대북 전단 살포 제지는 적법"
  16. 2015.01.05 중국, 한국인 마약사범 사형
  17. 2015.01.03 [KOCUN] 15회 제네바 유엔인권연수
  18. 2014.12.30 [민변] 통진당 해산 관련 집회·결사의 자유 특별보고관, 표현의 자유 특별보고관에 진정
  19. 2014.12.23 [민변] 헌재 정당해산 결정 긴급토론회
  20. 2014.12.22 [UN News] 안보리에서 UN 관리들 DPRK에 재차 관여할 것 촉구
  21. 2014.12.22 [UN 안보리] DPRK 상황을 의제로 상정
  22. 2014.12.20 [변협 인권위·법원 국제인권법연] "양심적 병역거부와 대체복무제도의 필요성과 문제점" 공동학술대회
  23. 2014.12.19 [헌재] 통진당 해산 (2013헌다1)
  24. 2014.12.18 [UN News] UN 총회, DPRK 인권에 관한 UN 보고서 안보리에 회부
  25. 2014.12.18 [UN 총회 본회의] DPRK 인권상황 결의안 통과
  26. 2014.12.18 제2기 UPR 권고사항 이행을 위한 자료집
  27. 2014.12.17 [변협·KOCUN] 제4회 유엔인권권고 분야별 이행사항 점검 심포지엄
  28. 2014.12.12 [법무부] 제2회 국제인권심포지엄: 바람직한 국가인권정책 추진체계
  29. 2014.12.11 미 상원 정보위: 중앙정보국(CIA)의 구금 및 신문 프로그램에 관한 연구
  30. 2014.12.10 [장하나의원실·국가인권위제자리찾기공동행동] ICC 등급심사 재보류에 따른「국가인권위법 개정안」공청회

[국가인권위원회 사이버인권교육]

 

2015년 1기

 

(2015. 3.)

 

ㅁ 교육과정 : [2015년 1기]  사이버인권교육
ㅁ 대상 : 공무원. 교육. 일반학습자. 강사
ㅁ 개설과정 : 
  -  인권의이해  (9차시)     인원: 300명
  -  성차별예방  (10차시)    인원: 300명
  -  차별예방     (15차시)    인원: 300명
  -  군대와 인권 (10차시)    인원: 300명 
  -  인권과 행정 (10차시)    인원: 300명
ㅁ 한 차시당 :  30분 ~ 1시간 내외 분량
ㅁ 학습기간  :  2015년 2월 24일 ~ 2015년 3월 30일
ㅁ 신청기간  :  2015년 2월 24일 ~ 2015년 3월 27일
ㅁ 이수조건
  -  전체  100점 중 각각의비중은 학습진도 70%,평가  30%
   - 과정별 이수기준 확인 필
ㅁ 교육비: 무료
ㅁ 교육 종료 후 이수사항은 인권교육센터에서 출력가능


 

신청방법: http://edu.humanrights.go.kr → 교육신청

(국가인권위 인권교육센터 홈페이지 회원가입 및 로그인 필요)


출처:

http://edu.humanrights.go.kr

http://edu.humanrights.go.kr/solution/home/article/articleView.do?gmenu=2&rmenu=02&cmenu=0201&article_no=400&bbs_no=1

첨부파일:

 

150217 보도자료 대북전단활동제지관련 의견표명.hwp


150217 대북전단활동제지에관한 의견표명 결정문(최종안).pdf


150217 북한주민정보접근권부여권고 결정문20101206(최종).pdf

 


 

 

인권위, 대북전단활동 제지에 관한 의견 표명

북한의 위법·부당한 위협은 표현의 자유 제한 근거가 될 수 없어

 

 

o 국가인권위원회(위원장 현병철)는 민간단체 또는 개인의 대북전단 활동은 헌법상 기본권인 표현의 자유에 해당하는 것으로 북한의 위협 또는 남북 당국간 “상대방에 대한 비방·중상 금지”합의는 국민의 기본권을 제한할 수 있는 근거가 될 수 없으므로 이를 이유로 정부가 민간단체 혹은 민간인의 정당한 대북전단 활동을 단속하거나 저지하기위한 조치를 취해서는 안된다는 의견을 표명했습니다.

 

o 수 년 전부터 지속된 북한인권 단체들의 풍선을 이용한 대북전단 살포에 대해 북한군은 2014년 10월 10일 대북 전단을 실은 풍선을 향해 고사총을 발사하는 등 대북전단 살포 활동에 대한 위협과 중단을 요구하고 있으며, 우리 군과 경찰은 여러 차례에 걸쳐 북한인권 단체들의 대북전단활동을 제지하기도 하였습니다.

 

o 이에 따라 국가인권위원회 북한인권특별위원회는 해당 사안이 국민의 기본권인 표현의 자유를 침해할 수 있는 사안이라 보고, 제1차 전원위원회(2015. 1. 12.)에 “대북전단 살포 관련 현안 보고” 및 제2차 전원위원회(2015. 1. 26.)에 “대북전단 관련 의견표명의 건”을 상정하여 논의하였습니다.

 

o 표현의 자유는 북한도 가입한 ‘시민적·정치적 권리에 관한 국제규약’ 제19조 뿐만 아니라 우리 헌법이 보장하고 있는 기본권인 바, 이에 대해 북한이 물리적 타격을 가하거나 위협을 하는 것은 국제 인권규범 및 국제법에 어긋납니다. 따라서 우리 정부가 이를 이유로 국민의 표현의 자유를 제한할 수는 없을 것입니다.

 

o 또한 자국민의 적법한 표현 행위에 대한 북한의 부당한 협박은 표현의 자유를 제한하는 근거로 ‘명백하고 현존하는 위험’에 해당하지 않고, 남북 당국간 상호 비방·중상 중지 합의는 개인의 기본권인 표현의 자유를 제한 할 수 있는 근거가 될 수 없습니다.

 

o 한편 외부의 위협으로부터 국민의 생명과 신체를 보호하는 것은 국가의 가장 기본적인 책무입니다. 제3국이나 외부세력이 대한민국 정부에 대하여 국민의 적법한 활동을 통제할 것을 요구하고 이에 불응하면 총격을 가하겠다고 협박하는 경우 정부가 할 일은 그러한 외부세력의 행위를 억지하거나 응징하기 위한 단호한 조치를 취함으로써 국민의 생명과 자유를 보호하는 것입니다. 이 상황에서 정부 스스로 시민의 적법한 권리행사를 제지하는 것은 북한의 협박을 수용하는 결과가 되어 주권국가로서 있을 수 없는 일일 뿐 아니라 북한정권의 범죄행위를 고무하여 향후 국민의 생명과 안전에 더 큰 위해를 가져올 수 있다고 판단했습니다. 인권위의 대북전단 활동 제지에 관한 입장표명은 접경지역 주민 등 국민의 안전에 대한 조치가 당연히 전제된 상태에서 표현의 자유에 대한 원칙을 제시한 것입니다.

 

o 이에 대해 접경지역에서의 대북전단 살포행위는 살포 행위자 뿐만 아니라 인접지역 주민의 생명과 신체에 위해를 가져올 수 있으므로 정부는 마땅히 필요한 조치를 취해야 하고, 표현의 자유를 제한하는데 있어 그 내용에 대한 제한은 엄격한 심사기준이 적용되나, 표현의 장소·시간·방법에 대한 행정적 제한은 과잉금지 원칙이 적용될 수 있고, 내용에 비해 완화된 기준의 적용이 가능하므로 북한의 총격 위험이 현존하는 상황에서 경찰이 대북전단 살포자 및 인근 주민들의 안전을 보호하기 위해 대북 전단 살포를 제지한 것은 표현의 자유를 침해한 것으로 보기 어렵다는 소수의견이 있었습니다.

 

o 앞서 국가인권위원회는 2010년 12월 6일 통일부장관, 국방부장관, 문화체육관광부장관 및 방송통신위원회위원장에게, 모든 매체를 통하여 북한주민이 외부의 자유로운 정보에 접근하여 알 권리를 실현하고 인권의식을 함양할 수 있도록 노력할 것을 권고한 바 있습니다.

 

붙임:

1. “대북전단활동 제지에 대한 국가인권위원회 입장” 결정문

2. 북한주민에 대한 정보접근권 부여 권고 결정문(2010. 12. 6.) 끝.


출처:

http://www.humanrights.go.kr/04_sub/body02.jsp?m_link_url=04_sub/body02.jsp&m_id1=72&m_id2=75&m_id3=&m_id4=&NT_ID=24&flag=VIEW&SEQ_ID=610465

[국회방송] 국회토론광장

주제: 북한 인권법, 바람직한 제정방향은? 
(회차: 제16회)

 

- 방영일: 2015. 2. 14. (토)


- 패널:

조명철 / 국회의원(새누리당)
심재권 / 국회의원(새정치민주연합)
한희원 / 동국대학교 법과대학 교수
서보혁 / 서울대학교 통일평화연구원 HK연구교수

 

- 동영상 보기: http://www.natv.go.kr/renew09/brd/com/pop_vod.jsp?programId=725&infoId=16


출처:

http://www.natv.go.kr/renew09/brd/formation/last_pro_vw_detail.jsp?programId=725&infoId=21050&index=16&gotopage=1

2015. 2. 11.

 

대한변호사협회, 유엔 협의지위 취득


대한변호사협회(협회장 위철환)는 지난 1월 26일부터 2월 3일까지 유엔에서 개최된 2015 Regular session NGO위원회로부터 유엔 경제사회이사회(ECOSOC) 특별 협의지위(Special Consultative Status)를 부여받기로 결정되었습니다.

협회는 지난 2011년부터 매년 ‘유엔인권권고 분야별 이행사항 점검 심포지엄’을 개최하여, 대한민국의 유엔 권고에 따른 이행 여부 및 정도를 평가하고, 2012년 4월 20일에는 이주외국인, 위안부, 표현의 자유 등 우리나라의 인권상황에 대한 의견을 담은 보고서를 UPR(국가별 정례인권 검토, Universal Periodic Review)에 제출하는 등의 노력을 해왔습니다.

또한 2014년에 개최된 제25차 유엔 인권이사회에 인권이사를 비롯한 협회 회원 3인을 참가단으로 파견하여, 불관용에 대한 특별보고관(Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance, 인종주의, 인종차별, 외국인 혐오 등과 관련된) 및 의견과 표현의 자유에 대한 특별보고관(Special Rapporteur of the right to freedom of opinion and expression) 등을 만나 우리나라 인권상황에 대한 협회의 의견을 개진하는 등 다양한 유엔 관련 활동을 통해 유엔인권 시스템에 대한 체계적 접근과 활동방안을 모색한 바 있습니다.

최종 승인절차가 남기는 하였지만 협회는 금년 4월부터 변협 이름으로 UN의 참가승인(accreditation)을 얻어 인권이사회는 물론 경제사회 이사회 및 그 산하 각종 위원회의 참관, 서면진술(written statement)의 제출, 나아가 구두진술(oral statement)의 기회까지 가지는 등 엔지오(NGO)로서는 특별한 지위를 인정받게 되었으므로 향후 좀 더 활발하고 다양한 활동을 통하여 인권 개선에 기여할 예정입니다.


 

Universal Periodic Review
Republic of Korea
Reference Documents

Contributions for the Summary of Stakeholder's information

Civil Society

 

 

KBA - Korean Bar Association

E

 


출처:

http://www.koreanbar.or.kr/notice/board02_list.asp Home > 보도자료

http://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/UPR/Pages/UPRRepublicOfKoreaStakeholderInfoS14.aspx

Statement by American historians opposing to the Japanese government's attempt to pressure publishers and historians to alter their research outcomes for political purposes

 

미국 역사학자들, 일본정부가 출판사, 역사학자들의 '위안부'에 관한 연구결과 수정토록 압력행사 반대 성명

 

 


[American Historical Association - Perspectives on History]

 

Letters to the Editor

Standing with Historians of Japan

Alexis Dudden, March 2015

To the Editor:

 

As historians, we express our dismay at recent attempts by the Japanese government to suppress statements in history textbooks both in Japan and elsewhere about the euphemistically named “comfort women” who suffered under a brutal system of sexual exploitation in the service of the Japanese imperial army during World War II.

 

Historians continue to debate whether the numbers of women exploited were in the tens of thousands or the hundreds of thousands and what precise role the military played in their procurement. Yet the careful research of historian Yoshimi Yoshiaki in Japanese government archives and the testimonials of survivors throughout Asia have rendered beyond dispute the essential features of a system that amounted to state-sponsored sexual slavery. Many of the women were conscripted against their will and taken to stations at the front where they had no freedom of movement. Survivors have described being raped by officers and beaten for attempting to escape.

 

As part of its effort to promote patriotic education, the present administration of Prime Minister Shinzō Abe is vocally questioning the established history of the comfort women and seeking to eliminate references to them in school textbooks. Some conservative Japanese politicians have deployed legalistic arguments in order to deny state responsibility, while others have slandered the survivors. Right-wing extremists threaten and intimidate journalists and scholars involved in documenting the system and the stories of its victims.

 

We recognize that the Japanese government is not alone in seeking to narrate history in its own interest. In the United States, state and local boards of education have sought to rewrite school textbooks to obscure accounts of African American slavery or to eliminate “unpatriotic” references to the Vietnam War, for example. In 2014, Russia passed a law criminalizing dissemination of what the government deems false information about Soviet activities during World War II. This year, on the 100th anniversary of the Armenian genocide, a Turkish citizen can be sent to jail for asserting that the government bears responsibility. The Japanese government, however, is now directly targeting the work of historians both at home and abroad.

 

On November 7, 2014, Japan’s Foreign Ministry instructed its New York Consulate General to ask McGraw-Hill publishers to correct the depiction of the comfort women in its world history textbook Traditions and Encounters: A Global Perspective on the Past, coauthored by historians Herbert Ziegler and Jerry Bentley.

 

On January 15, 2015, the Wall Street Journal reported a meeting that took place last December between Japanese diplomats and McGraw-Hill representatives. The publisher refused the Japanese government’s request for erasure of two paragraphs, stating that scholars had established the historical facts about the comfort women.

 

On January 29, 2015, the New York Times further reported that Prime Minister Abe directly targeted the textbook during a parliamentary session, stating that he “was shocked” to learn that his government had “failed to correct the things [it] should have.”

 

We support the publisher and agree with author Herbert Ziegler that no government should have the right to censor history. We stand with the many historians in Japan and elsewhere who have worked to bring to light the facts about this and other atrocities of World War II.

 

We practice and produce history to learn from the past. We therefore oppose the efforts of states or special interests to pressure publishers or historians to alter the results of their research for political purposes.

 

Jeremy Adelman
Princeton University

 

W. Jelani Cobb
University of Connecticut

 

Alexis Dudden
University of Connecticut

 

Sabine Frühstück
University of California, Santa Barbara

 

Sheldon Garon
Princeton University

 

Carol Gluck
Columbia University

 

Andrew Gordon
Harvard University

 

Mark Healey
University of Connecticut

 

Miriam Kingsberg
University of Colorado

 

Nikolay Koposov
Georgia Institute of Technology

 

Peter Kuznick
American University

 

Patrick Manning
University of Pittsburgh

 

Devin Pendas
Boston College

 

Mark Selden
Cornell University

 

Franziska Seraphim
Boston College

 

Stefan Tanaka
University of California, San Diego

 

Julia Adeney Thomas
Notre Dame University

 

Jeffrey Wasserstrom
University of California, Irvine

 

Theodore Jun Yoo
University of Hawaii

 

Herbert Ziegler
University of Hawaii

 

Editor’s Note: This letter originated from an informal meeting held at the AHA annual meeting on January 2, 2015 in New York City.

 


 

'아베 과거사 왜곡 반대' 미국 사학자들 집단성명 전문

  • 2015/02/05 23:25

[연합뉴스]

 

<인터뷰> 알렉시스 더든 교수 "역사는 편한대로 기억하는 것 아냐"(종합)

렉시스 더든 "역사는 편한대로 기억하는 것 아냐"

렉시스 더든 "역사는 편한대로 기억하는 것 아냐"

 

(워싱턴=연합뉴스) 노효동 특파원 = 일본 아베 신조(安倍晋三) 총리의 과거사 왜곡시도에 반대하는 집단성명을 주도한 미국 코네티컷 대학의 알렉시스 더든 교수는 5일(현지시간) 연합뉴스·연합뉴스TV와의 서면 인터뷰에서 "역사란 취사선택해 필요한 것만 기억하는게 아니다"라고 밝혔다. (알렉시스 더든 미국 코네티컷 대학 교수 제공) rhd@yna.co.kr

 

아베 과거사 왜곡 반대 집단성명 주도… "있는 그대로 배워야"
작년말부터 동료들과 논의…"위안부 연구 학자들의 전문가적 단결"

 

(워싱턴=연합뉴스) 노효동 특파원 = 일본 아베 신조(安倍晋三) 총리의 과거사 왜곡 시도에 반대하는 집단성명을 주도한 미국 코네티컷 대학의 알렉시스 더든 교수는 5일(현지시간) "역사란 편한 대로 취사선택해 필요한 것만 기억하는 게 아니다"라고 밝혔다.  

더든 교수는 이날 연합뉴스·연합뉴스TV와의 서면 및 전화인터뷰에서 이같이 밝히고 "일본 정부의 미국 역사교과서 수정 압력으로 학술의 자유가 지금 위기에 놓여 있다"고 강조했다.  

더든 교수는 "이것은 결코 '일본 때리기'가 아니다"라며 "위안부 문제를 연구하고 저술 활동을 하는 일본과 한국, 필리핀, 오스트레일리아, 인도네시아 학자들과의 전문가적 단결 행위"라고 말했다.  

미국 컬럼비아 대학을 졸업하고 시카고대학에서 역사학 박사를 취득한 더든 교수는 미국의 대표적 동북아 역사 전문가로, 과거 일본의 리쿄(立敎大學)·게이오(慶應)대학과 한국의 서울대와 연세대에서 공부한 바 있다.

특히 뉴욕타임스를 비롯한 미국 주류 언론에 일본과 동북아문제를 주제로 다양한 기고활동을 벌이고 있다.  

다음은 일문일답.

 

--이번 집단성명 발표를 추진한 경위를 설명해달라.

 

▲작년 11월 말 일본 외무상이 뉴욕 총영사에게 맥그로힐 출판사를 방문해 아베 정권을 불쾌하게 만드는 두 개의 문단을 삭제할 것을 지시했다는 소식을 들었다. 당시 나를 포함한 몇명의 동료들은 우리가 역사학도로서 무슨 일을 할 수 있는지를 논의하기 위해 올 1월2일 미국역사협회 연례회의에서 모이기로 결정했다. 이것은 '일본 때리기'를 하려는 게 결코 아니다. 위안부 이슈들을 연구하고 저술하는 일본과 한국, 필리핀, 오스트레일리아, 인도네시아 학자들과의 전문가적 단결 행위다.

 

--성명에 참여한 학자들은 어떤 사람들인가.

 

▲올 1월2일 비공식 회의에 참석했던 역사학자들은 미국에 근거를 두고 활약 중인 역사학 전문가들을 모두 망라한다. 전공 분야가 광범위할 뿐만 아니라 조교수에서부터 역사학계에서 최고로 유명한 학자에 이르기까지 지위도 다양하다. 우리는 다른 많은 역사학자로부터도 지지를 얻었다. 그러나 최종 명단에는 초기부터 의견을 나눠온 사람들의 이름만을 올렸다. 다른 사학자들이 참여하고 싶다면 언제든지 환영이지만 이것은 위안부 문제를 연구하고 저술해온 많은 역사학자의 노력에 대한 존경의 표시이자 단결을 보여주려는 데 목적이 있다.

 

--현시점에서 이 성명이 왜 중요한가.

 

▲일본군 위안부와 관련된 역사적 기술은 일본뿐만 아니라 전 세계적으로도 사실로서 받아들여져 왔기 때문이다. 정치적 이유로 인해 특별한 역사적 사실과 관련한 저술이나 교습을 변경하려고 하는 것은 용납될 수 없다. 현재 일본 내에서 학술적 자유의 상태가 얼마나 심각한지에 대한 우려를 불러일으키고 있다.

 

--아베 총리가 역사수정주의 사관을 쉽게 바꿀 것 같지 않은데.

 

▲아베 총리는 기억과 역사가 다른 것이라는 점을 이해하는 게 중요하다. 아베 총리는 오랫동안 검증된 역사를 편의적인 국가의 기억으로 대신하려는 정치인이다.

 

--이번 성명에는 미국 학자들만 참여했다. 전 세계의 다른 역사학자들에게 어떤 메시지를 주고 싶나.

 

▲학술적 자유가 위기에 놓여 있다. 특정한 정치적 견해는 실제로 일어난 맥락과 다른 역사를 요구한다. 과거의 역사로부터 필요한 곳만 취사선택하는 현상이 일어나는 것이다. 기억이 역사를 잡아먹는 것이다. 이번에 성명에 서명한 학자들은 동료들이 타깃이 되거나 공격을 받을 때 이를 바로잡는 게 역사학자들의 책임이라는데 합의했다. 우리는 부자가 되려고 사학자가 된 것이 아니다. 우리는 연구와 저술을 하는 데서 반드시 지켜야 할 기준을 가지고 있다.

 

-- 오는 8월 2차 세계대전 종전 70주년을 맞아 아베 총리로부터 어떤 입장표명을 기대하나.

 

▲미국은 일본이 과거의 침략전쟁과 식민지배를 사죄한 1995년 무라야마(村山)담화를 반드시 지지하도록 만들어야 한다고 본다. 지금 아베 총리의 과거사 관련 발언이 무라야마 담화에서 크게 벗어나고 있고 있기 때문이다.

 

전후 질서는 일본이 샌프란시스코 강화조약을 실효적인 것으로 인정하는 데서 출발하고 있으며 샌프란시스코 조약은 바로 1946년 일본의 전쟁범죄를 재단한 극동국제군사재판의 결과에 기초하고 있다. 과거 일본의 특정한 행위를 범죄라고 규정하는 것은 전후 질서에 있어 중요하다. 만일 이것이 흔들린다면 미국으로서는 가만히 있어서는 안 된다.


[Yonhap News Agency]

(Yonhap Interview)

Japan's attempt to dispute wartime history raises questions about academic freedom: U.S. scholar

WASHINGTON, Feb. 5 (Yonhap) -- Japan's attempt to dispute the long-established historical fact about the country's sexual enslavement of Asian women during World War II raises "serious concerns" about academic freedom in the country, an American scholar said Thursday.

Alexis Dudden, a professor at the University of Connecticut, also said in an email interview with Yonhap News Agency that Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is attempting to "openly supplant long proven histories with preferred national memories."

   Dudden led a group of American history scholars to issue a joint statement expressing strong protest against Japan's pressuring of U.S. publisher McGraw-Hill to alter the description of the sexual slavery issue in one of its textbooks.

It is highly unusual for U.S. history scholars to collectively issue a statement on a specific historical issue. Nineteen scholars belonging to the American Historical Association co-signed the joint statement titled, "Standing with Historians of Japan."

   "The statement matters now because the history involved -- the so-called 'comfort women' -- has long been accepted as fact not only in Japan but also around the world. Targeting this particular history now for political reasons ... raises serious concerns about the state of academic freedom in Japan today," the professor said.

"As for Prime Minister Abe, it is important ... to understand that memory and history are different things. In this instance we have a politician who would openly supplant long proven histories with preferred national memories," she said.

The statement is "an act of professional solidarity with historians in Japan and elsewhere -- South Korea, the Philippines, Australia, Indonesia -- who research and write about these issues, Dudden said.

"Our aim is to show respect and solidarity for the efforts of historians everywhere who have long worked on the so-called comfort women issue and have published their work according to professional standards of evidence and multiple cross-referencing. This is how we produce the work we do, and why we hold to it as accurate and proven," she said.

In the joint statement, the scholars expressed "dismay" at Japan's pressuring of the textbook publisher, accusing the Abe administration of "vocally questioning the established history of the comfort women and seeking to eliminate references to them in school textbooks" as part of its effort to promote patriotic education.

They also stressed that "no government should have the right to censor history."

   "We practice and produce history to learn from the past. We therefore oppose the efforts of states or special interests to pressure publishers or historians to alter the results of their research for political purposes," the statement said.

Dudden stressed that "academic freedom is at stake" when certain political views summon history.

"This is how memory takes over what it calls history by picking and choosing from the past at will instead of learning from it," she said.

"Our small group agrees that it is the responsibility of historians who are able to practice in societies as open as the United States to recognize moments when colleagues elsewhere are themselves targeted and have their work targeted," she added.

Historians estimate that up to 200,000 women, mainly from Korea, which was a Japanese colony from 1910 to 1945, were forced to work in front-line brothels for Japanese soldiers during World War II. But Japan has long attempted to whitewash the atrocity.

The sexual slavery issue has been the biggest thorn in frayed relations between Japan and South Korea, with Seoul demanding Japan take steps to address the grievances of elderly Korean victims of the atrocity and Japan refusing to do so.


US Historians Protest Japan's Attempts to Distort History

 

Anchor: A group of U.S. historians has expressed dismay over the Japanese government’s attempts to change passages about Japan’s wartime sexual slavery in history textbooks in Japan, the U.S. and elsewhere. They stressed that no government should have the right to "censor history."

Our Bae Joo-yon has more.

 

Report: A group of American historians have issued a joint statement, protesting the Japanese government’s pressuring of publishing companies and historians to change the results of their research on Japan’s wartime sexual slavery.

 

The statement, titled "Standing with Historians of Japan,” is set to appear in the March edition of the "Perspectives of History," the official publication of the American Historical Association.


The statement specifically noted that Japan's Foreign Ministry instructed its New York Consulate General last November to ask U.S.-based publisher McGraw-Hill Education to modify depictions of wartime sex slavery in one of its world history textbooks.


The historians said they are dismayed “at recent attempts by the Japanese government to suppress statements in history textbooks both in Japan and elsewhere about the euphemistically named 'comfort women'. 


The scholars, who are members of the American Historical Association, noted that the victims suffered under a brutal system of sexual exploitation in the service of the Japanese imperial army during World War II.


Among the 19 scholars who issued the statement, University of Connecticut Professor Alexis Dudden told KBS that historians have already combed archives and interviewed victims and perpetrators to confirm the essential features of a system that amounted to state-sponsored sexual slavery.

 

[Sound bite: Alexis Dudden – Professor of History at the University of Connecticut (English)]

 

“This is something that's now an internationally recognized history. So, we felt particular responsibility to standing up for something we regard as part of world history.”

Dr. Dudden and her colleagues stressed in the statement that they practice and produce history to learn from the past and they “therefore oppose the efforts of states or special interests to pressure publishers or historians to alter the results of their research for political purposes.”

  

They blamed the Japanese government for attempting to eliminate references to its wartime sexual slavery in school textbooks as part of its effort to promote patriotic education.

 

The joint statement expressed support for authors and publishers and for others who “have worked to bring to light the facts about this and other atrocities of World War II.”

Bae Joo-yon, KBS World Radio News.

 

 


Source:

http://www.historians.org/publications-and-directories/perspectives-on-history/march-2015/letter-to-the-editor-japan

http://world.kbs.co.kr/english/news/news_In_detail.htm?No=108520

http://world.kbs.co.kr/news_print.htm?lang=e&No=108520&Category=News

http://www.yonhapnews.co.kr/photos/1990000000.html?cid=PYH20150205139100071&from=search

http://www.yonhapnews.co.kr/bulletin/2015/02/06/0200000000AKR20150206035000071.HTML?from=search

 

[(사)유엔인권정책센터] 2015 제2회 유엔인권정책아카데미

 

일시: 2015. 2. 3. (화) ~ 3. 3. (화) 매주 화요일·목요일 14:00~16:00

장소: (사)유엔인권정책센터 1층 강의실

주최: (사)유엔인권정책센터


제 2회 유엔인권정책아카데미

2015년 2월 3일(화) ~ 3월 3일(화) 매주 화/목 오후2~4시

유엔인권정책센터 1층 강의실

 

프로그램

1강 / 2월 3일(화) / 기본이념 및 원칙

비차별과 평등: 같은 듯 다른 듯

 

2강 / 2월 5일(목) / 자유권규약 20조

나는 인종차별과 혐오를 안하는가?

 

3강 / 2월 10일(화) / 자유권규약 17조

나의 사생활은 보호되고 있는가?

 

4강 / 2월 12일(목) / 자유권규약 19조

나의 생각과 표현은 자유로운가?

 

5강 / 2월 17일(화) / 28차 인권이사회 의제

아동에게 적절한 투자를 한다는 것

 

6강 / 2월 24일(화) / 28차 인권이사회 의제

환경을 보호하여 인권을 보호한다는 것

 

7강 / 2월 26일(목) / 28차 인권이사회 의제

북한의 상황에 대해 얘기한다는 것

 

8강 / 3월 3일(화) / 유엔인권메커니즘 활용

국제인권기준을 국내에서 지키는 방법

 

 

참가신청

참가비     10만원 / 개별강의 1만5천원 / 회원 8만5천원, 개별강의 1만2천원

신청방법  1) 이름, 소속, 연락처(휴대폰번호) 이메일 송부(kocun@kocun.org)

               2) 참가비 입금: KB국민은행 468001-01-066071(유엔인권정책센터)

신청기한  2015. 2. 2(월) 또는 수강인원(30명) 마감 시

*신청접수는 입금하시는 순서대로 진행됨을 유의하시기 바랍니다.

 

오시는 길

주소   서울특별시 서대문구 독립문로 42 (천연동) 1층 유엔인권정책센터

문의   (사)유엔인권정책센터 사무국 02) 6287-1210/2


제 2회 유엔인권정책아카데미

2015. 2. 3(화) ~ 3. 3(화) | 유엔인권정책센터 사무국

 

  • 7강_북한인권(20150226).pdf
  • 6강_인권과환경(20150224).hwp
  • 4강_인종차별과혐오(20150212).hwp
  • 2강_표현의자유(20150205)_2.hwp
  • 2강_표현의자유(20150205)_1.docx
  • 1강_비차별과평등(20150203).hwp
  •  

     

    1강 | 2015. 2. 3(화)

    비차별과 평등: 같은 듯, 다른 듯

    - 한낱, 인권교육센터 활동가

     

    2강 | 2015. 2. 5(목)

    나의 생각과 표현은 자유로운가?

    - 박주민, 민주사회를위한변호사모임

     

    3강 | 2015. 2. 10(화)

    나의 사생활은 보호되고 있는가?

    - 엄기호, 인권연구소  연구활동가, <감시사회> 공동저자

    *3강 강의자료는 메일로 문의주시기 바랍니다.

     

    4강 | 2015. 2. 12(목)

    나는 인종차별과 혐오를 안 하는가?

    - 박경태, 성공회대학교 사회과학부 교수

     

    5강 | 2015. 2. 17(화)

    아동에게 절절한 투자를 한다는 것

    - 정병수, 국제아동인권센터(InCRC) 사무국장

     

    6강 | 2015. 2. 24(화)

    환경을 보호하여 인권을 보호한다는 것

    - 박태현, 강원대학교 법학전문대학원 교수

     

    7강 | 2015. 2. 26(목)

    북한의 상황에 대해 얘기한다는 것

    - 서보혁, 서울대학교 통일평화연구원 박사

    UN official: NKorean human rights, cult of Kim can't coexist

     

    UN 관리, "북한인권과 김 일가에 지도자에 대한 숭배는 공존 불가"

     

    Feb. 2, 2015 10:16 AM ET


    By ERIC TALMADGE, Associated Press

    (AP) — A campaign within the United Nations to haul North Korean leader Kim Jong Un before an international court for crimes against humanity has touched off a defensive fury in Pyongyang, where it's being treated like a diplomatic declaration of war — an aggressive act aimed not only at shutting down prison camps but also at removing Kim and dismantling his family's three-generation cult of personality.

    More paranoia?

    Actually, according to the U.N.'s point man on human rights in North Korea, that's not too far off the mark, though he stressed no one is advocating a military option to force regime change.

    "It would be, I think, the first order of the day to get these 80,000 to 100,000 (prisoners) immediately released and these camps disbanded," Marzuki Darusman, the U.N.'s special rapporteur on human rights in North Korea, said in an interview with The Associated Press. "But that can only happen if this cult leadership system is completely dismantled. And the only way to do that is if the Kim family is effectively displaced, is effectively removed from the scene, and a new leadership comes into place."

    Such blunt words from a high-ranking U.N. official are unusual, although common among American officials.

    Darusman said previous proposals submitted to the U.N. trying to persuade or force North Korea to improve its human rights record were mostly "rhetorical" exercises.

    But he said this resolution, passed by the General Assembly in December, is more significant because it holds Kim responsible based on a 372-page report of findings presented last year by the U.N.-backed Commission of Inquiry that detailed arbitrary detention, torture, executions and political prison camps.

    "This is a sea change in the position of the international community," Darusman said during a recent visit to Tokyo. The North Koreans "are in their most vulnerable position at this stage, whenever the culpability and responsibility of the supreme leader is brought out in full glare of the international public scrutiny."

    North Korea's intense response has included threats of more nuclear tests, mass rallies across the country, a bitter smear campaign against defectors who cooperated in the U.N. report and repeated allegations that Washington orchestrated the whole thing in an attempt at speeding a regime change. Its state media last week railed yet again against the U.N. findings, saying "those who cooked up the 'report' are all bribed political swindlers and despicable human scum." It called Darusman, the former attorney general of Indonesia, an "opportunist."

    In a rare flurry of talks, North Korean diplomats at the U.N. lobbied frenetically to get Kim's culpability out of the resolution without success. The proposal is now on the agenda of the Security Council, which is expected this year to make a decision on whether the issue should be referred to the International Criminal Court at The Hague.

    Just before the resolution passed the General Assembly, the North Korean diplomatic mission to the U.N. sought a meeting with Darusman to get the wording deleted. During the meeting with Ri Hung Sik, North Korea's ambassador-at-large, the North Koreans indicated their future was at stake, Darusman said.

    "They said that other people will take over, and the hardliners will be taking over," Darusman said, suggesting a schism may already be forming between factions scrambling to prove themselves more loyal and more effective in protecting the leadership. "They wouldn't have to mention that to us, but I don't know. I'm taking it at face value."

    But here's the reality check about the resolution: The likelihood of criminal proceedings against Kim is minuscule. It would likely be shot down by China or Russia, which have veto power on the Security Council. Also, while more than 120 countries support the International Criminal Court, the United States isn't one of them, so it is somewhat awkward for Washington to push that option too hard.

    But even without bringing Kim to court, Darusman said, the placement of North Korean human rights on the Security Council agenda means Pyongyang will face increasing scrutiny from the international community. He said ally China will be under pressure to either distance itself from Pyongyang or lose credibility.

    "It may seem remote, but at some stage it is conceivable that China cannot afford to be continuously associated with a regime that is universally sanctioned by the international community," he said. "Something will give."

    Washington, meanwhile, is turning up the heat following the massive cyberattack on Sony Pictures.

    "We are under no illusions about the DPRK's willingness to abandon its illicit weapons, provocations, and human rights abuses on its own. We will apply pressure both multilaterally and unilaterally," Sung Kim, Washington's special representative for North Korea policy, testified in Congress last month. "The leadership in Pyongyang faces ever-sharper choices."

    North Korea's official name is the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.

    Extricating North Korea from the personality cult of the Kim family would be a genuine challenge under any circumstances.

    The country's founder, Kim Il Sung, and his son and successor, Kim Jong Il, permeate every facet of daily life. Citizens wear Kim lapel pins everywhere they go. Portraits and statuary of the father and son are everywhere. In Pyongyang at midnight every night, a ghostly dirge commemorating the elder Kim blares from loudspeakers through the darkness.

    According to the U.N. commission's findings and the testimony of many defectors, North Koreans who dare criticize the Kim family are punished severely and face horrific treatment in prison camps around the country. North Korea says that isn't true, and routinely accuses defectors of being "human scum" and criminals.

    Officials vociferously deny speculation of disunity within their ranks.

    In an interview with the AP in Pyongyang in October, two North Korean legal experts attempted to discredit the U.N. campaign and its findings — which they called an "anti-DPRK plot" — and defended the prison system that has long been the core area of concern.

    "In a word, the political camps do not exist in our country," said Ri Kyong Chol, director of the international law department at Pyongyang's Academy of Social Sciences. "The difference between the common and the anti-state criminals is that the anti-state criminals get more severe punishment than the common criminals."

    But Ri said common and anti-state inmates are not segregated.

    "I think every country has prisons to imprison those criminals who have committed crimes against the state," he said. But in North Korea, "there are no different prisons for that."

     

    Associated Press

     

     


     

    Source:

    http://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache:nVdeHx0GtAcJ:hosted2.ap.org/APDEFAULT/3d281c11a96b4ad082fe88aa0db04305/Article_2015-02-02-AS--NKorea-Human%2520Rights/id-db9dc2d495aa4053b724eac60398edb5

    초청장:ICC승인소위 권고이행 토론회 초청장.pdf

    http://www.humanrights.go.kr/common/board/fildn_new.jsp?fn=1421990268244.pdf

     

    자료집:

    [편집]ICC 승인소위 권고의 실효적 이행을 위한 토론회(1.30 최종수정)-보이스아이.pdf

     


    ICC 승인소위의 권고를 실효적으로 이행하기 위한 방안을 모색하기 위하여 다음과 같이 토론회를 개최합니다.

     

    토론회에서는 ICC 승인소위 권고의 의미를 검토하고 권고를 실효적으로 위한 방안을 다자간 논의를 통해 모색할 예정이오니 관심있으신 분들의 많은 참석 부탁드립니다.

     

    ㅇ 일 시 : 2015. 1. 29. 14:00~17:00

    ㅇ 장 소 : 프레지던트 호텔 31층 슈베르트 홀

    ㅇ 주 최 : 국가인권위원회

     

    토론회 내용
    ICC 승인소위 권고의 의미
    | 주요 논의사항 |
    . ICC 승인소위의 최근 권고 경향
    . ICC 승인소위 권고의 배경
    ICC 승인소위 권고의 실효적 이행을 위한 방안
    | 주요 논의사항 |
    . ICC 승인소위의 권고를 이행하기 위한 국가인권위원회의 노력 및 경과
    . 인권위원 인선 시 광범위한 참여와 협의를 증진할 수 있는 실효적 방안 논의

     

    13:30~14:00

    •등록

    ICC 승인소위 권고의 의미 및 실효적 이행방안
     

    14:00 ~16:30
    • 좌 장 - 박경서 (대한민국 초대 인권대사)
    • 발 제 - 심상돈 (국가인권위원회 정책교육국장)
    • 토 론 - 김병주 (대한변협 국제인권특별위원장)
    - 신수경 (새사회연대 대표)
    - 이보라 (장하나의원실 보좌관)
    - 오창익 (인권연대 사무국장)
    - 제철웅 (한양대학교 교수)
    - 조규범 (국회입법조사처 조사관)

     

    16:30~17:00

    • 종합토론 및 질의응답


    출처: http://www.humanrights.go.kr/04_sub/body01.jsp?SEQ_ID=610393&flag=VIEW&m_link_url=04_sub/body01.jsp&m_id1=72&m_id2=74&m_id3=200&m_name1=위원회활동&m_name2=공지사항&m_name3=일반공지=일반공지

    European Union

    European Parliament - Subcommittee on Human Rights

    DROI Committee Meeting

     

    Wed, 21 Jan 2015

     

    11:40 AM - 12:30 PM
    • 5.0 Exchange of views with Ambassador Robert King, US Special Envoy for North Korean Human Rights Issues, on the human rights situation in the country

    [Audio]

    http://www.europarl.europa.eu/pdf/divers/DROI_2015-01-21_11h30m00s_BXL_ASP_3G2_EN.mp3


    유럽의회 인권소위, 북한 인권개선 국제협력 방안 논의

    • 2015/01/22 02:44

    Source:

    http://www.europarl.europa.eu/ep-live/en/committees/video?event=20150121-0900-COMMITTEE-DROI

    http://www.yonhapnews.co.kr/international/2015/01/22/0609000000AKR20150122004900098.HTML

    http://www.kpil.org/opboard/viewbody.php?code=notice&page=&id=288&number=288

     


     

     

    [초대] 공감 월례포럼 '인권, 국제인권 그리고 법관의 역할' - 김성수 판사 2015.01.16 09:01 110
    작성자 공감지기


    공감 월례포럼 

     "인권, 국제인권, 그리고 법관의 역할"
    - 소수자 보호에 관한 어느 법관의 단상

     

    강연자: 김성수 판사  (現 수원지방법원 부장판사, 대법원 국제인권법연구회 간사)

     

    일시 : 2015년 1월 27일 (화) 오후 7시

    장소 : 서울시 NPO 지원센터 1층 품다(대강당)

    강연내용: 국제인권(양심적 병역거부, 외국인/난민의 지위)과 법관의 소명

    문의 : 공감 02)3675-7740

    B1A4 껴안은 말레이 무슬림 소녀팬 체포 위기 (종합)

    B1A4 껴안은 말레이 무슬림 소녀팬 체포 위기

    B1A4 껴안은 말레이 무슬림 소녀팬 체포 위기

     

    (서울=연합뉴스) 말레이시아에서 한국 아이돌 그룹 B1A4 멤버들과 껴안은 무슬림 소녀들이 체포 위기에 처했다. 말레이시아 연방이슬람종교부(Jawi)는 이 소녀들에게 1주일 안에 자진 출석하지 않으면 체포될 것이라며 이 사건을 재판에 넘겨 처벌이나 벌금을 결정할 것이라고 현지 언론이 14일(현지시간) 보도했다. 2015.1.15 << 유투브 화면 캡처 >> jjaeck9@yna.co.kr

     

    (서울=연합뉴스) 한미희 기자 = 말레이시아에서 한국 아이돌 그룹 B1A4 멤버들과 껴안은 무슬림 소녀들이 체포 위기에 처했다.

    말레이시아 연방이슬람종교부(Jawi)는 이 소녀들에게 1주일 안에 자진 출석하지 않으면 체포될 것이라며 이 사건을 재판에 넘겨 처벌이나 벌금을 결정할 것이라고 현지 언론이 14일(현지시간) 보도했다.  

    지난 10일 쿠알라룸푸르에서 미니 콘서트 형식으로 열린 팬미팅 행사에서 멤버들은 히잡을 쓴 소녀 팬들과 포옹하고 이마에 입을 맞추기도 했다.

    이슬람 국가인 말레이시아는 공공장소에서 애정을 표현하는 행위를 엄격하게 금지하고 있다.  

    논란은 당시 행사를 촬영한 동영상이 유튜브를 통해 공개되면서 불거졌다.

    동영상을 본 페이스북 사용자들은 "얼마나 많은 무슬림 소녀들이 우리의 종교에 대해 무지하고 경계를 모르는지 보여준다", "소녀들은 처벌받아야 한다"며 비판했다고 AFP통신은 전했다.  

    페이스북에서는 시리아의 이슬람 무장단체에서 활동하는 여성을 칭송하면서 케이팝을 좋아하는 여성 무슬림은 종교의 품위를 떨어뜨린다며 비난하는 풍자만화가 1만3천개 이상의 '좋아요'를 받기도 했다.  

    한 이슬람 단체는 케이팝이 어린 무슬림에게 스며들어 영향을 끼치려는 기독교 의식이라고 비난하기도 했다.  

    당국의 대응이 과도하다는 비판도 있다.  

    대표적 인권 활동가인 암비가 스리네바산은 만약 소녀들이 체포된다면 그들의 남은 삶에 트라우마가 될 것이라는 글을 트위터에 남겼다.

    행사를 주관한 현지 프로모션 단체는 이 일에 대해 사과했다.

    B1A4 소속사도 해명했다. 소속사는 "현지 팬미팅은 다양한 문화를 고려해 현지 프로모터가 기획한다"며 "현지에서 인기가 많은 한국 드라마 명장면 따라하기 코너가 있어 참가자들에게 미리 공지하고 현장에서도 재차 동의를 구했다. 참가자들이 원해 화기애애한 분위기에서 행사를 마무리했다"고 밝혔다.

     

     

     

    2015/01/15 13:59 


     

    Muslim girls in Malaysia threatened with arrest over K-pop boy band hug

    8:53 AM Thursday Jan 15, 2015

     

    Islamic conservatives in Malaysia have denounced the popular Korean K-pop genre, a global phenomenon best known for the worldwide mega-hit 'Gangnam Style' by South Korean singer Psy (pictured). Photo / AP

    Islamic conservatives in Malaysia have denounced the popular Korean K-pop genre, a global phenomenon best known for the worldwide mega-hit 'Gangnam Style' by South Korean singer Psy (pictured). Photo / AP

     

    A group of Muslim girls in Malaysia have been threatened with arrest after a video emerged showing them hugging members of a K-pop boy band.

    The incident has prompted a public outcry in the Muslim majority country, with Islamic conservatives denouncing both the popular Korean K-pop genre and the girls.

    Official Muslim-purity enforcers have given the girls one week to turn themselves in or face arrest, local media reported.

     

    In the video, members of the band B1A4 are shown bringing fans wearing Islamic headscarves up on stage during an event in Kuala Lumpur last weekend, crooning to them and cuddling them, with one band member kissing a fan on the forehead.

    Malaysian Islamic civil law includes strict codes of conduct when it comes to public displays of affection.

    "This video shows how many of our (Muslim) girls are ignorant about our religion and do not know the boundaries..." said one Facebook user.

    "The girls should be punished," another said.

    A local Islamic group is claiming K-pop is part of a Christian agenda to infiltrate and influence young Muslims.

    Amid the controversy, a satirical cartoon with Malay language captions appeared on Facebook, glorifying women who joined Islamic militants in Syria but condemning female Muslim K-pop fans as degrading the religion.

    It had received more than 13,000 likes by Wednesday afternoon.

    While many condemned the girls' actions, others felt authorities were overreacting.

    Prominent human rights activist Ambiga Sreenevasan tweeted that if the girls were arrested, it would "traumatise them for the rest of their lives".

    Organisers of the concert have apologised for the incident.

    Despite the language barrier, scores of young Malaysian women and teenagers are ardent fans of heavily styled K-pop with its teen-idol groups, glossy hooks and meticulously choreographed dance moves.

    Earlier in 2013, K-pop sensation Psy performed his 'Gangnam Style' megahit in Malaysia after being invited by prime minister Najib Razak's Barisan Nasional coalition, a move aimed at drumming up political support, according to some observers.

     

    - AFP


    출처:

    http://www.yonhapnews.co.kr/bulletin/2015/01/15/0200000000AKR20150115057351009.HTML

    http://www.nzherald.co.nz/world/news/article.cfm?c_id=2&objectid=11386751

    http://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-30822098

    출처: http://www.apil.or.kr/1681

     

     


     

    113차 유엔 자유권위원회 한국정부 쟁점목록 채택을 위한 NGO레포트 제출 (기업인권네트워크)

     

    자료 | APIL Resources/유엔인권메커니즘

     

    2015/01/14 19:39

      


    1. 소개

    오늘 소개해드릴 보고서는 기업인권네트워크(KTNC Watch, Korea Trans-National Corporation Watch)가 자유권 규약 위원회(UNHRC; United Nations Human Rights Committee)에 제출한 제113차 자유권규약 심의 대비 보고서입니다. 

    자유권 규약 위원회(UNHRC)란?

    자유권 규약 위원회는 유엔인권이사회 산하에 '조약을 기반으로(Treaty-based) 설치된 기구입니다. 보통 자유권규약이라고 일컬어지는 
    시민적 및 정치적 권리에 관한 국제규약(ICCPR) 체약국들이 규약의 내용을 잘 이행하고 있는지를 심의하기 위해 설치되었습니다. 이 조약을 체결한뒤 1년이 지난 후에 체약국은 국내 자유권 규약 이행 현황에 대해서 위원회에 보고해야 하고, 그 이후부터는 보통 4년마다 보고가 이루어집니다. 보고서와 여러 의견들을 참조하여 자유권규약위원회는 '최종견해'의 형식으로 각 나라에 권고사항을 보냅니다. 위원회는 매년 제네바에서 열립니다.

    한국정부는 1990년 자유권규약을 비준한 이후, 3차례 심의를 받았고지난 2006년에 있었던 3차 심의(Consideration) 이후오는 2015년 자유권위원회의 115차 세션(2015. 10. 1.~11. 6.)에서 4차 심의가 이루어질 예정입니다


    본 심의에 앞서 자유권위원회의 113차 세션(2015. 3. 16.~4. 9.)에서는 국가보고서에 대한 쟁점목록(List of Issues)을 채택하고, 당사국은 본 심의 전까지 쟁점목록에 대한 답변을 제출 또는 준비하여 심의 시에 발표하게 되어있습니다.


    이에 기업인권네트워크에서는 한국정부의 쟁점목록 채택을 위한 심의를 위하여, 한국 기업들이 해외에서 활동을 하는 중에 자유권 규약에 위배되는 인권 침해가 발생하고 있는 상황에서 자유권 규약의 의무들이 역외적용이 된다는 것을 강조하며, 이와 관련한 쟁점목록 채택을 요구하는 보고서를 제출하였습니다. 



    2. 시민적 및 정치적 권리에 관한 국제규약 (ICCPR, 자유권규약)[각주:1]의 역외적용의무 (extra-territorial obligation)


    유엔 자유권규약 위원회에서는 지난 2012년 독일 정부에 대한 최종견해를 통해 체약 당사국의 영토 외에서도 규약의 내용을 이행할 것을 권고하였습니다. 자유권 위원회의 권고 내용은 아래와 같습니다. 

    1) 정부는 자국의 영토 뿐만 아니라 관할권 내에 있는 기업들이 규약의 내용에 따라 인권을 존중할 수 있게 하고
    2) 그 기업이 해외에서 활동할때 인권침해를 겪은 피해자들을 구제할 수 있는 방안을 강화할 수 있도록 적절한 조취를 취해야 합니다. 


    사실 자유권 규약 외에도 인권 조약의 역외적용 이슈에 대해서는 다른 조약의 위원회에서도 활발하게 다루어지고 있으며 이에 대해 적극적으로 인정하고 있는 추세인데요, 한 예로, 유엔아동권리위원회(CRC)는 일반논평 16호에서 아래와 같이 밝힌 바 있습니다:

    Under the Convention, States have the obligation to respect and ensure children’s rights within their jurisdiction. The Convention does not limit a State’s jurisdiction to “territory”. In accordance with international law, the Committee has previously urged States to protect the rights of children who may be beyond their territorial borders.
    "규약의 효력 범위 내에서, 정부는 관할권 안에서의 어린이의 권리를 존중하고 확립할 의무가 있다. 
    이 조약은 국가의 관할권을 '영토'로 한정하지 않는다. 
    국제법에 따라, 위원회는 국경 바깥에 있는 아이들의 권리까지도 보호하도록 촉구한바 있다"



    3. 한국 기업의 해외 인권 침해 사례 보고


    한국 정부도 자유권 규약의 당사국으로서, 영토 바깥에서의 기업활동, 합작회사, 관할권과 영토 내의 기업의 해외에서의 사업을 통해 규약에 보장된 권리들이 침해되지 않도록 규제할 의무가 있습니다. 그렇다면 한국기업은 해외에서 어떤 활동을 하고 있을까요? 가장 먼저 보고서에 등장하는 사례는 우즈베키스탄의 강제노동 사례입니다.


    (1) 우즈베키스탄의 강제노동과 한국의 기업활동 : 자유권규약 8조 위반
     
    우즈베키스탄은 목화 산업이 활발합니다. 그러나 안타깝게도 목화 생산을 위해 정부가 어른과 아동을 강제로 노동시켜 문제가 되고 있습니다. 중앙정부의 통제하에서 목화를 생산하기 때문이죠. 아이들은 공부할 시간에 목화를 수확하러 가는데, 그렇지 않으면 학교에서 퇴학을 당할 수도 있습니다. 어른들의 경우는 농부나 교사, 공무원 등 공적 업무를 담당하는 사람들이 강제노동에 동원되고  참여하지 않으면 직업이나 월급, 사회보장제도등을 잃게 된다고 합니다.


     




    우즈벡의 아동노동문제에 대하여 국제적인 압박이 이루어지자, 우즈벡 정부는 2012년과 2013년에는 이전과 같은 16세 미만 아동들에 대한 대규모 강제동원은 어느정도 줄어들었다고 합니다. 그럼에도 불구하고 16-17세 아이들은 여전히 노동에 동원이 되고 있다고 합니다. 오히려 16세 미만 아이들이 일을 하지 않게 되었기 때문에 강제로 동원되는 사람들의 노동강도는 훨씬 높아졌다니, 이것 참 웃어야 할지 울어야 할지 모르겠습니다.

    한편, 자유권 규약 8조에서는 이러한 강제노동에 대해서 금지하고 있습니다. 
    그러나 한국 기업인 조폐공사와 대우인터내셔널에서는 강제노동을 사용하여 생산되는 우즈베키스탄산 목화를 사용하고 있어 문제가 됩니다. 

    대우인터내셔널은 Daewoo Textile Buhkara LLC와 Daewoo Textile Fergana LLC, 그리고 조폐공사와 합작회사인 Global Komsco Daewoo (GKD)를 통해 우즈벡에서 강제노동으로 생산된 목화를 꾸준히 사용하고 있으며, 공기업인 조폐공사는 대우인터내셔널과 합작회사인 GKD를 현지에 운영하고 있습니다. 


    출처 : 한국 조폐공사(KOMSCO) 홍보, 2011 PR브로셔



    한국조폐공사와 대우인터네셔널은 우즈벡의 강제노동문제를 정확히 알고 있었음에도 불구하고 면펄프를 생산하고, 수입하고 있었습니다. 2012년과 2013년 국정감사를 통해 조폐공사는 연이어 아동강제노동으로 수확된 목화의 사용에 대해서 지적을 받았음에도 불구하고, GKD의 사업을 계속하고 있으며, 생산량도 증가하고 있습니다. 즉, 자유권 규약 8조에 위배되는 강제노동문제를 묵인하고 사업을 계속하고, 오히려 사업을 확대하고 있다는 점에서 문제가 되는 것입니다. 

    사실, 이 문제에 대해서는 유엔아동권리위원회(CRC)도 이미 2012년도에 한국정부에 대한 최종견해에서 다음과 같이 우려를 나타낸바 있습니다.

    The State party is importing products from countries which are under investigation by the International Labour Organization (ILO) (and the European Parliament) for reportedly using forced child labour, thus becoming complicit with a serious breach to child rights
    "(한국)정부는 국제 노동기구에의해 지속적으로 아동강제노동 문제가 제기되어 온 나라로부터 제품을 수입하고, 그로써 아동권리침해의 동조자가 되고 있다."

    따라서 아동권리위원회는 한국정부에 기업의 사회적 책무를 효과적으로 채택하게 하는 법적 근거를 마련하여 해외에서 기업이 활동하며 일으킬 수 있는 인권침해를 예방하고 완화할 것을 권고하고, 모니터링을 실시하여 아동강제노동을 통한 제품이 시장에서 추방될 수 있도록 해야한다고 권고합니다.



    (2) 한국 어선의 외국인 선원: 자유권 규약 8조 위반


    사조오양그룹의 어선에서 지난 2011년 강제노동 문제와 임금 체불 및 신체적, 성적 폭행사건 등 인권침해가 일어난 것으로 드러났습니다. 이 일은 오양 75호에서 일하던 인도네시아 선원 32명이 배를 이탈해 뉴질랜드에 알리면서 알려졌습니다. 사조오양은 뉴질랜드에 있던 선원들에게 급여가 이체되었다는 위조 문서를 전달하여 선원들을 회유하여 인도네시아로 귀국하도록 하였습니다. 

    그러나 한국의 조사팀이 인도네시아를 방문하여 인도네시아 선원들을 만나 뒤, 이들을 대신하여 국가인권위원회에 선상에서 일어난 인권 침해에 대하여 진정을 하였지만, 인권위에서는 증거부족과 관할이 없다는 이유로 각하 및 기각을 하였습니다. 이후에 한국정부에서 합동조사팀이 꾸려졌지만 피해자들에게 효과적인 구제방안이 제시되거나 관련 법 및 정책이 개선되지는 않은 상태입니다. 

    오양 75호 외에도 사실 한국국적의 어선에 탑승하였던 외국인 선원에 대한 임금체불이나 폭력과 같은 인권침해는 이전에도 존재하였다고 합니다. 특히 이들은 본국을 떠나올 때 보증금을 지불하거나 땅문서, 학위증 등 담보를 제공하고 오기 때문에 인권 침해가 일어나도 쉽게 배를 떠날 수 없어 결국 강제노동을 하게 된다는 것입니다. 

    이는 명백한 자유권 규약 8조 위반이라 할 수 있으며, 자유권 위원회는 조약이 역외적용된다는 입장을 분명히 하고 있기때문에 한국정부는 이러한 상황에 책임을 져야만 합니다. 


    (3) 포스코와 인도 : 자유권 규약 7조 및 17조 위반

    포스코와 인도의 인연은 10년전을 거슬러 2005년부터 시작됩니다. 포스코는 인도 오딧샤(Odhisha)지역에 제철플랜트를 세우고 철광석을 채취하는 양해각서(MoU)를 체결합니다.

    그런데 그 땅의 70%가 넘는 넓이에 사람들 밀집해서 사는 동네 3개가 있었습니다. 그곳에 사는 사람들은 약 2만 2천여 명. 공장이 들어서면 이들은 모두 이주해야 하고, 인근에서 삼림과 어업에 종사했던 사람들이 생계를 더이상 이어나갈 수 없게 됩니다. 그러나 이들은 강제퇴거를 당하기 시작하였고, 이 과정에서 많은 인권침해가 발생하게 됩니다. 포스코는 물리력을 사용한 적이 없다고 하지만, 여전히 오딧샤 마을에서는 주민들이 삶의 터전을 잃고 있습니다.[각주:2]

    이러한 인권침해에 대하여 다양한 단체들에서 이미 목소리를 내고 있으며, 특별히 자유권위원회에서는 자유권 규약에 보장된 7조 고문 비인도적 처우 금지 및 17조 주거·사생활·통신의 자유를 위반하고 있다는 점을 염두에 두고 한국정부에 적절한 쟁점목록을 제시하게 되기를 촉구하고 있습니다. 


    4. 자유권 위원회에 제안한 쟁점목록 


    이러한 내용을 바탕으로 기업인권네트워크에서는 자유권 위원회가 한국정부에 다음과 같은 쟁점목록을 제시하도록 제안하였습니다. 


    1. 한국정부는 자유권 규약의 역외적용을 위해 어떤 정책과 관행이 이행되고 있는가?

    2. 자유권 규약의 역외적용 의무를 포함한 포괄적인 국가행동계획(National Action Plan)을 세울 계획이 있는지 여부에 대해 위원회에 제시하라. 

    3. 자유권 규약의 역외적용 의무를 이행할 수 있도록 사들과 외교사절들의 역할을 강조할 의향이 있는지에 대한 정보를 제공하라.

    4. 우즈베키스탄에서의 아동 및 성인의 강제노동에 대한 대우인터네셔널과 한국조폐공사의 책임을 다하도록 하기 위해 한국 정부가 어떠한 조치를 취하였는지 제시하라.

    5. 한국국적의 어선에서 인도네시아 선원들이 강제노동을 당한 것에 대한 구제권리를 보장하기 위해 한국 정부가 어떠한 조치를 취하였는지 제시하라. 

    6. POSCO의 프로젝트에 영향을 받은 지역의 강제퇴거 문제와 (주민들의) 참여할 권리 문제를 규정하는 법적 기준이 한국에 존재하는지 여부에 대한 정보를 제공하라. 

    7. POSCO의 프로젝트에 의해 인권침해를 겪은 마을에 구제책 및 예방책 마련을 위해 한국정부가 어떠한 조취를 취했는지 제시하라.  


    자유권 위원회에서 이러한 기업인권네트워크의 의견이 반영된 쟁점목록을 채택할 수 있도록 계속해서 모니터링과 로비를 해나가겠습니다! 관심을 갖고 지켜봐주세요!


    (8.5기 인턴 김성희 작성)

    1. 궁금하신 분은 국가정보법령센터의 "시민적 및 정치적권리에관한국제규약" 조약정보를 확인하세요! http://www.law.go.kr/trtySc.do?menuId=0&subMenu=8&query=%EC%8B%9C%EB%AF%BC%20%EC%A0%95%EC%B9%98%EC%A0%81 [본문으로]
    2. 오딧샤 마을에 대해서 증언하기 위해서 마을 주민 두명이 한국에 입국한 적이 있었습니다. 그들의 인터뷰를 보시려면 국제앰네스티한국지부의 글을 참조하세요 : http://blog.amnesty.or.kr/7175/ [본문으로]
    저작자 표시 비영리 변경 금지 

    첨부파일:

     

    유엔자유권규약위원회 한국국가4차보고서에 대한 시민사회단체의 약식보고서(List of Issues 작성용)

    Joint NGO Submission to the United Nation Human Rights Committee for the List of Issues for the fourth periodic report submitted by the Republic of Korea

     

     

    2015년 3월 5일

     

    출처: http://www.apil.or.kr/1678


    113차 유엔 자유권위원회 한국정부 쟁점목록 채택을 위한 NGO레포트 제출 (어필)

    자료 | APIL Resources/유엔인권메커니즘 2015/01/13 17:37

     

    한국정부 심의 일정


    유엔 자유권 위원회 (United Nations Human Rights Committee)에서는 각 국가들이 자유권규약에 규정된 권리들을 보장하고 있는지 여부를 검토하기 위해 정기적으로 국가보고서를 심사하고 있습니다. 한국정부는 1990년 자유권규약을 비준한 이후, 3차례 심의를 받았고, 지난 2006년에 있었던 3차심의(Consideration) 이후, 오는 2015년 자유권위원회의 115차 세션(2015. 10. 1.~11. 6.)에서 4차 심의가 이루어질 예정입니다


    본 심의에 앞서 자유권위원회의 113차 세션(2015. 3. 16.~4. 9.)에서는 국가보고서에 대한 쟁점목록(List of Issues)을 채택하고, 당사국은 본 심의 전까지 쟁점목록에 대한 답변을 제출 또는 준비하여 심의 시에 발표하게 되어있습니다.


    (자유권위원회에서 심의가 이루어지고 있는 모습입니다)


    이러한 과정에서 자유권위원회는 쟁점목록 채택과정 및 심의과정에서 NGO들의 참여를 적극적으로 보장하고 있어, NGO들은 보고서 제출 및 세션 참여를 통해 의견을 개진할 수 있는데요, 어필에서는 한국 정부의 자유권규약 제4차 국가보고서 심의 과정이 보다 실질적이고 균형 있게 이루어지기 위해서 시민사회단체 연합보고서 작성에 참여할 뿐 아니라, 어필의 현안들에 대한 보다 심도있는 단독 보고서를 작성하여 제출하였습니다. 


    아래에 어필에서 113차 세션을 대비하여 쟁점목록 채택을 위해 제출한 단독보고서를 발췌 요약하여 소개합니다!





    APIL_AlternativeReport_141223.pdf

    (어필 보고서 원문은 여기서 확인하실 수 있습니다)


    어필은 이번 보고서에서 총 3가지 이슈에 주안점을 두었는데요, 바로 1) 미성년자를 포함한 외국인의 자의적 구금, 2) 송환대기실에서의 인권유린, 3) 난민법 조항과 시행에 관한 우려입니다. 이 3가지 쟁점을 하나씩 순서대로 살펴보도록 하겠습니다.




    1. 미성년자를 포함한 외국인의 자의적 구금


    자의적 구금에 관한 실무그룹에서 발행한 심의 제5호 (deliberation No.5)에 따르면 구금은 "법이 정한" 규정된 기간에 "어떤 경우에도 제한 없는 혹은 과도한 기간이 아닌" 형태로 이루어져야 한다고 명기하고 있습니다. 그러나 대한민국 출입국관리법 제63조 1항에 따르면, 외국인은 무기한 구금될 수 있습니다. 평균 구금 기간은 10일이긴 하지만 실제로 난민들은 1년 이상 구금되는 경우가 많다고 합니다. 이렇게 외국인들이 제한 없는 '자의적 구금'을 당하고 있는 것입니다.



     

     구금 시작일

     구금 종료일

     구금 기간

     1

    2012.11.28

    구금 중

     368

     2

    2012.11.29 

     구금 중 

      367 

     3

    2013.03.22 

    구금 중

     254

     4

    2013.06.26 

    구금 중

     158

    (2013년 11월 30일 기준 화성 이주 구금 시설에 유치 중인 난민 신청자의 구금 기간 발췌)

     



    여기서 잠깐! '자의적 구금'이 무엇인지 유엔 자유권 규약 위원회의 일반논평 제35호에 따른 정의를 살펴보겠습니다.


    상황에 비추어봤을 때 합리적이고, 불가피하고, 적당하며, 기간이 연장될 때마다 재검토되지 않을 경우, 유엔 자유권 규약 위원회는 이를 자의적 구금이라고 간주한다.


    그러나 대한민국 출입국관리법은 이러한 기준을 충족시키지 못하고 있습니다. 2010년 4월 21일 개정된 출입국관리법에 따른 법무장관의 사전 승인은 자유권 위원회가 요구하는 사법 심리나 재평가가 아닐뿐더러, 장기 구금자의 인권에 대한 효과적인 보호책도 아닙니다. 법무장관은 개인별로 구체적인 사유를 심리하지 않고, 구금 기간 연장을 자동으로 승인하고 있는 것으로 확인되었습니다.


    이주 미성년자 구금에도 문제가 있습니다. 자유권 규약 위원회에서는 아동구금은 최후의 수단으로서 최소의 기간으로 행하고, 아동의 이익을 최우선으로 고려할 것과 동행자가 없는 아동의 취약성과 주의의 필요를 고려해야 한다 점을 요구하고 있는데요. 아동권리위원회 역시 한국정부에게 아동의 권리를 보호하고, 정기적 심사를 받는 시설을 제공할 것을 촉구한 바 있습니다. 그러나 여전히 아동들은 구금시설에 머무르고 있습니다. 2013년과 2014년 각각 11명과 15명의 아동이 구금되었고, 2013년에는 4개월 난 아기가 19일간 구금된 사례도 있었다고 합니다.



     

    연령 

     성별

     구금 일 수

     4개월

     남

     19

     1세

     여

     2

     4세

     여

     2

     12세

     여

     3

     17세

     남

     11

     17세

     남

     6

     17세

     남

     1

     17세

     남

     25

     17세

     여

     16

     17세

     남

     27

     17세

     여

     6

     

    (2013년 이주 아동 구금 현황)

     

     




    2. 송환대기실에서의 인권유린


    송환대기실은 입국을 거부당한 외국인들을 일시적으로 수용하기 위해 인천국제공항에 설치된 시설을 의미합니다. 그러나 본 목적을 상실하고, 아무런 법적 근거도 없이 사실상의 구금시설 역할을 하고 있다고 합니다. 난민 신청이 회부되지 않았으나, 본국 송환을 거부한 난민 신청자들은 이곳에 무기한 구금될 수 있다고 합니다. 



                          (법무부 정책블로그에 공개된 송환대기실 입구 사진)



    그런데 송환대기실 자체가 단기 수용을 위해 설치된 시설이다 보니 구금이 장기화되면 심각한 문제가 초래될 수도 있습니다. 구금 기간 내내 치킨버거와 콜라만 제공되고, 몸을 뉘일 충분한 침구도 없고, 난민에 대한 인식이 부족한 사설 경비원에게 모욕까지 받는 일이 다반사라고 하니 얼마나 열악한 환경인지 짐작이 가실 겁니다. 

    게다가 송환대기실에 구금된 외국인들은 변호사의 도움을 받을 권리조차 박탈당하고 있습니다. 자유권 위원회가 구금된 자의 효과적인 심의를 위해 정기적이고 즉각적인 변호인의 도움을 받을 권리를 요구하고 있는 것과는 상반된 모습입니다.


    현실이 이렇다 보니 일단 난민 신청자가 신청 비회부 통지를 받고 송환대기실에 구금되면, 열악한 환경을 견디지 못하고 사실상의 "강제송환"에 따라 한국을 떠나는 경우가 많다고 합니다. 즉, 송환대기실 구금이 강제송환으로 이어지고 있는 것이며, 이는 한국정부가 강제송환금지 원칙을 사실상 위반하고 있음을 의미합니다.




    3. 난민법 규정과 시행에 관한 우려


    한국에서는 몇 명의 외국인이 난민 인정을 받고 있을요? 2014년 5월 기준, 한국이 난민 협약을 비준한 1992년 이래로 검토한 난민 신청 사례 7,443건 중 389건만이 난민 인정을 받았는데요, 이는 5.2%에 불과한 수치입니다. 


    난민 인정받기가 정말 하늘의 별 따기죠? 그런데 난민 지위 결정 결과를 통지받는 것 또한 그만큼 어렵습니다. 통상 난민 신청 후 1년 이상이 지나야만 결과 통지를 받을 수 있습니다. 결정기간을 6개월로 규정한 난민법 규정은 유명무실해진 것이죠. 


    그렇다면 이 기간 동안 난민 신청자들은 어떻게 생계를 이어나갈까요? 현재 생활비 수혜 자격에 대한 명확한 기준이 부족하다 보니, 난민신청자들에 대한 생활비 지원도 효과적으로 이루어지지 않고 있습니다. 현행법상 법무장관이 지원 범위와 지원 승인에 대한 모든 재량권을 가지고 있기 때문에, 난민 신청자에게 아무런 지원을 하지 않더라도 법에 저촉되지 않는 것입니다. 


    결국, 난민신청자들은 12개월이라는 기나긴 시간 동안 소송이나 강제퇴거에 대한 두려움, 생활고, 취업허가증 취득의 어려움 등에 시달리고 있는 것입니다.





    어필에서는 위 보고서에 제출한 내용들이 한국정부에 대한 질의목록에 잘 반영이 될 수 있도록 계속해서 모니터링과 로비활동을 진행해 나갈 예정입니다. 관심있게 지켜봐주세요!




                                                                      (8.5기 인턴 유지희 작성)

     

    저작자 표시 비영리 변경 금지

    법원 "당국의 대북 전단 살포 제지는 적법하다"

    • 2015/01/06 16:30

    中, 한국인 마약사범 1명 사형…형집행 6일만에 통보(종합)

    • 2015/01/05 15:49

    2015 제 15회 제네바 유엔인권연수 인턴십

    15th Geneva Human Rights Training Program

    2015. 1. 19 ~ 4. 24

     

    1 | 기획목적

    □ 국제인권보호제도 및 인권을 둘러싼 다양한 주체들의 관점으로 바라본 인권에 대한 학습의 장 제공

    □ 유엔 인권분야의 가장 중추적인 기구이자 헌장기구인 유엔 인권이사회(Human Rights Council, HRC)를 참관하여 인권이사회 의제를 파악하고 국내 인권이슈와의 접점을 찾아 학습하는 기회 마련

    □ 한국이 비준하고 있는 7개 핵심 국제인권조약의 이행을 감시하는 조약기구 회의 참관을 통해 협약이행을 위한 국가와 NGO, 국제기구 등 다양한 주체들의 역할과 활동에 대한 학습기회 마련

    □ 제네바에서 주재하는 주요한 유엔인권기구 및 국제/지역 NGO를 방문하여 국제적 인권보호 활동에 대한 이해 증진

     

    2 | 대상

    □ 신청자격 : 인권보호 및 NGO 활동에 관심있는 대학(원)생 및 일반인

    □ 선발인원 : 총 10명 내외

    □ 선발기준 : 자기소개서, 관련분야 경험, 인권에 대한 관심사 및 감수성

    □ 선발 우대사항 : 영어 통/번역 가능한 자

     

    3 | 활동 및 인턴 역할

    □ 인권이사회와 조약기구 모니터링 및 기록

    □ 실질적으로 NGO의 활동에 참여 (※ 제 4차 자유권위원회 한국 질의목록 채택 심의 예정)

    □ 기관방문 연구조사 및 브리핑

    □ 연수 결과보고서 작성 및 제출

    □ 유엔기구 및 관련 NGO 내방 및 전문가 면담

    *지난 방문기관 : OHCHR(유엔인권최고대표사무소), UNHCR(유엔난민기구), UNRISD(유엔사회개발연구소), ILO(국제노동기구), IOM(국제이주기구), WIPO(세계지적재산기구), IMADR, IDA(국제장애연맹), 주 제네바 한국대표부 등

     

    4 | 활동일정 및 프로그램(안)

    기간

    장소

    내용

    119~213

    서울

    유엔인권아카데미(2, 8) 및 참가자 모임

    216~220

    개별 과제수행

    223~227

    최종점검 모임(1~2)

    39~320

    제네바

    28차 인권이사회 및 제 113차 자유권위원회 참관

    323~424

    서울

    28차 인권이사회 모니터링 보고서 작성(1~2)

     

     

    5 | 모집절차 및 지원방법

    □ 모집절차 : (1차) 서류심사 - (2차) 면접심사 및 번역테스트

    □ 신청기한 및 방법 : 2015년 1월 9일(금) 이메일(kocun@kocun.org)로만 접수

    □ 신청서류 : 이력서(첨부), 자기소개서(첨부) 각 1부

    □ 1차 서류심사 발표 : 2015년 1월 12일(월), KOCUN 홈페이지 공지

    □ 2차 면접심사 및 최종 합격자 발표 : 1월 중순

    □ 관련문의 : (사)유엔인권정책센터 사무국 | (전화) 02-6287-1210 | (이메일) kocun@kocun.org

     

    6 | 참가비

    □ 참가비 : 교육훈련비 50만원

    □ 포함사항 : 오리엔테이션 등 국내 사전교육 및 활동, 프로그램 자료집, 제네바 현지 교육 기획 및 운영 등

    불포함사항 : 왕복항공권 및 제네바 현지 체류경비

    □ 교육비는 최종 선발결과 통지 후 지정계좌로 정한 날짜(추후공지)까지 입금해야 하며, 기한 내 미입금 시 대기자 중 참가자를 재선발함. (연수 직전에 참가를 포기하는 참가자로 인해 여타 신청자들에게 기회가 제한되는 것을 방지하기 위한 조치임.) 

    *납입한 교육비는 반환되지 않음

     


     

    출처: http://www.kocun.org/v1/load.asp?b_code=26&board_md=view&idx=540

    Allegation letter to

    -       The Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association

    -       The Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression

     

    진정사한 제출:

    - 평화로운 집회 및 결사의 자유에 대한 권리 특별보고관

    - 의사 및 표현의 자유에 대한 권리의 증진 및 보호 특별보고관

     

     

    l  Case: Republic of Korea – Dissolution of the Unified Progressive Party

    l  Date: 30 December 2014

    l  Submitting Organization: MINBYUN-Lawyers for a Democratic Society

     

    l 사건명: 대한민국 - 통합진보당 해산

    l 일자: 2014. 12. 30.

    l 제출기관: 민변 - 민주사회를 위한 변호사모임

     

     

    1. Case Summary

               On November 5, 2013, the government of the Republic of Korea, the claimant of this case, requested a trial to the Constitutional Court of Korea to adjudicate dissolution of the Unified Progressive Party (UPP), on the ground that the objectives and activities of the UPP, the respondent, violate the basic orders of democracy. The Constitutional Court reviewed the case for a year through two rounds of argument preparation date and 18 rounds of date for pleading. In the process, the claimant and the respondent continued with their battle by submitting over 175,000 pages of documents and evidential materials. On December 19, 2014, the court ruled the dissolution of the UPP for i) the objectives and activities of the respondent are against the basic orders of democracy and there is no alternative measure to resolve such unconstitutional problems of the respondent. In addition, there exist social needs for the dissolution of the UPP, since the social benefits that will be induced by the decision on the dissolution of the UPP are much greater than the disadvantages that are to ensue from it. The Constitutional Court also ii) stripped every lawmaker belonging to the UPP of their positions in the National Assembly.

     

    2. Problems and human rights violations cause by the Decision of the Constitutional Court

    1) While the Constitutional Court of Korea acknowledges the guidelines of the Venice Commission on the basic principles and adjudication standards of the dissolution of unconstitutional political parties in principle, it did not apply them in their decision on this case, highlighting the unique circumstances of a divided nation. As a result, the Korean Constitutional Court excluded the general principle theories and distorted and arbitrarily modified the standards of the dissolution of political parties.

    2) The decision of the Constitutional Court is based on the logic that the objectives of a political party have to be apprehended through “hidden objectives”, i.e. data other than a party platform, in order to reveal the real objectives. In other words, each and every activity of the members of the UPP has to be fragmented into pieces so as to finish a larger picture, the “hidden objectives”, by collecting those pieces that are suspected to be unconstitutional. However, such puzzle play for finding “hidden objectives” is to enable the government to wield power arbitrarily through analogical interpretation, which reminds of the state violence exercised under the Nazi’s criminal code.

    3) When it comes to activities of a political party, the Constitutional Court regards the following as political party activities: all activities of any lawmaker of a party on top of the party leader, or representatives of the party congress, central committee, or the supreme council, which is an enforcement agency, that are carried out in the position as an influential politician within the party and closely related to the party; and the activities of individuals or groups belonging to a party that are defended or supported by the party. However, such judgment is much too comprehensive and against the principle of clarity in that individual and private activities outside the boundaries of a political party could come under the domain of political party activities.

    4) The Constitutional Court states that there exists the so-called “leading force” that works toward achieving North Korea-style socialism within the party, whose arguments, notion, strategic method, and goal for a revolution are “in general identical or very similar” to those of North Korean socialistic ideology, and concludes that “such homogeneity or similarity goes beyond the range of a piecemeal or fragmentary category.” Nevertheless, the Constitutional Court is not yet able to provide a concrete proof regarding its premise about the “leading force”. Furthermore, the Constitutional Court is choosing an illogical proving method that simply compares the North’s argument with the wording of the argument of the “leading force” to judge their homogeneity or similarity, which only indirectly proves the fact that no circumstantial evidence was found during the trial process of over one year that proves the respondent is following North Korea.

    5) Even when accepting the Constitutional Court’s view regarding the existence and tendency of the so-called “leading force”, it is a separate issue whether or not the political party is giving rise to the “concrete danger that will actually cast any evil influence”. Nevertheless, the Constitutional Court is establishing shallow criteria for definite danger by obscurely concluding that “the unconstitutional objectives of a political party serve as more than enough grounds for acknowledging a substantial danger, as long as political parties institutionally exist”.

    6) Regarding the conditions for the dissolution of a political party, the Constitutional Court had the principle of proportionality as a standard of the adjudication on constitutionality. However, the adjudication has not served any role, as it is much too formal and moderated. The Court only provides vague standards by stipulating the circumstances “when there is no alternative method and the social benefits derived from the restriction of a political party’s freedom of political party activities exceed the disadvantages derived from imposing a critical constraint on a democratic society”. Moreover, there is no consideration provided at all regarding the intensity of the adjudication.

    The Constitutional Court also excluded the condition of urgency to all intents and purposes by stating that “if the objectives and activities of a party bear critical unconstitutionality, the need for the dissolution of the party is acknowledged in the light of the preventive characteristics of the dissolution of a political party system”. Not only is such argument wholly against the complementary and supplementary natures of the principle of proportionality, it also disregards the intent of the Venice Commission, which stipulates that the dissolution of a political party policy is a kind of “passive safety valve”.

    7) Meanwhile, regarding the claimant’s request for the forfeiture of the UPP’s parliamentary seats, the Constitutional Court accepted the claimant’s request arguing that the forfeiture of the seats is an essential effect of the dissolution of a political party system, while admitting the fact that there is no provision in the constitution and legislations as regard to the request. Such judgment falls outside the umbrella of the constitution and laws and is against the principle of proportionality in that every lawmaker of the UPP was uniformly forfeited of their seats. Furthermore, it is against the principle of separation of powers that the Constitutional Court ordered the forfeiture of the UPP’s seats without any legal ground, despite the fact that the Constitution of the Republic of Korea specifies the autonomous qualification screening and the punishment system for the National Assembly to conduct on lawmakers.

     

    3. Expected Problems

    1) When the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) was disbanded, about 125 thousand people related to the KPD were investigated, and over 6000 people among them received criminal penalties until the party was reorganized later. The people concerned had to bear all the disadvantages, tangible and intangible, induced from the process, such as dismissal from their works. This German case suggests a lot of implications to Korea.

    2) After the Constitutional Court’s decision on the UPP, right-wing groups reported every member of the UPP to the investigative authority for violation of the National Security Act. It is highly likely that the existence and activities of the UPP will be included as the constitution of anti-government organization or group the benefits the enemy under the National Security Act, by directly adopting the logic of the court’s decision on this case based on the so-called “hidden objectives”. Moreover, extensive investigation and prosecution of ex-UPP personnel are also expected to ensue, signaling the politics by public security.

    3) Furthermore, the current law regarding assembly and demonstration prohibits assemblies or demonstrations held to achieve the objectives of a disbanded political party, in accordance with the decision of the Constitutional Court. As such, public authority’s extreme suppression is expected to be made on assemblies or demonstrations that protest the Court’s decision on this case or assert and carry through the policy of the respondent.

    4) What is more problematic is that democracy is expected to be extensively degraded in Korean society, with the intensification of self-censorship of political parties and citizens and the infringement of freedom of expression. The core of democracy is based on pluralism. A society where different opinions fiercely compete with one another in the public sphere and where free choices of the sovereign citizens are guaranteed, a society where minority opinions are not excluded just because they are minorities and where today’s minorities can be tomorrow’s majorities, such healthiness is the moving force of democracy. However, the Constitutional Court’s decision on this case is a constitutional declare that proclaims that nothing cannot help but be labeled as unconstitutional, if its contents critical of the governmental policies resemble even slight bit of the arguments of the North. Such declare poses a significant threat to the healthiness of democracy mentioned above, and this is why Korean civil society regards this decision as the dissolution of democracy rather than the dissolution of a political party and expresses a great concern.

     

     

    4. References

    1) Media Coverage on the decision of the Constitutional Court of Korea

    19 December 2014, The Guardian

    [News] South Korea court orders breakup of ‘pro-North’ leftwing party

    http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/dec/19/south-korea-lefwing-unified-progressive-party-pro-north

    19 December 2014, ALJAZEERA

    [News] South Korea disbands ‘pro-North’ political party

    http://www.aljazeera.com/news/asia-pacific/2014/12/s-korea-disbands-pro-north-political-party-2014121916373423851.html

     

    2) International Concerns

    19 December 2014, Amnesty International

    South Korea: Ban on political party another sign of shrinking space for freedom of expression

    http://www.amnesty.org/en/news/south-korea-ban-political-party-another-sign-shrinking-space-freedom-expression-2014-12-19

     

    3) Press statement by the defense counsel regarding the Constitutional Court’s decision

    http://minbyuneng.prizma.co.kr/?p=641

     

    4) Korean NGO’s allegation letter

    Allegation Letter to the SR on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association

    Re: Requests of the dissolution of the Unified Progressive Party by the Republic of Korea government

    http://minbyuneng.prizma.co.kr/?p=647

     

    5. Who is submitting this Information?

    This letter is submitted by:

    Mr. Dong-hwa Lee, MINBYUN – Lawyers for a Democratic Society

    5th Floor, Sinjeong Bldg, 1555-3, Seocho-dong, Seocho-gu, Seoul, Republic of Korea

    Tel: +82(0)2 522-7284, , +82(0)10 9947 9920

    Email: dhlee@minbyun.or.kr

     


    Source: http://minbyuneng.prizma.co.kr/?p=650

    자료집:1223-헌재-정당해산-결정-긴급토론회-자료집.pdf

    http://minbyun.or.kr/wp-content/uploads/2014/12/1223-헌재-정당해산-결정-긴급토론회-자료집.pdf


     

    <헌법재판소 통합진보당 해산 결정 등에 따른 긴급토론회>

    “헌법재판소 정당해산 결정의 문제점과 민주주의의 미래”

     

    ●일시 : 2014. 12. 23.(화) 10:00∼13:00

    ●장소 : 변호사교육문화관 지하1층 세미나2실

    ●주최 : 민주사회를위한변호사모임, 민주주의법학연구회, 민주화를위한전국교수협의회,법과사회이론학회

     

    <긴급토론회 순서>

    ■ 참가자 소개
    ■ 발제 1. 헌법재판소 결정문의 주요 내용과 문제점 —(통합진보당 대리인 전영식 변호사)
    ■ 발제 2. 헌법재판소 정당해산 결정의 법적, 정치적 의미 —(건국대 한상희 교수 )
    ■ 발제 3. 헌법재판소 결정에 따른 향후 문제 —(민변 사법위원장 이재화 변호사)
    ■ 심화토론 : 연세대 김종철 교수, 서강대 이호중 교수

    ■ 자유토론

     

    <자료집 목차>

    - 발제문1> 헌법재판소의 2013헌다1 사건 결정문에 나타난 법리의 문제점 (4p)
    - 발제문2> 통합진보당에 대한 정당해산결정의 문제점 (27p)
    - 발제문3> 헌법재판소 결정의 기본적 오류와 향후 예상되는 문제 (54p)
    - 토론문> 정당해산 결정과 그 이후 (68p)

     

     

    긴급토론회 


    출처:

    http://minbyun.or.kr/?p=27376

    http://minbyun.or.kr/?p=27401

    In Security Council, UN officials urge renewed engagement with DPR Korea on human rights

     

     안보리에서 UN 관리들 DPRK에 재차 관여할 것 촉구

     

     

    A wide view of the Security Council during a briefing on the situation in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). UN Photo/Loey Felipe

     

    22 December 2014 – Despite a grim litany of human rights abuses committed against its own people and ongoing provocations to global peace and security, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) has shown signs of compliance with human rights mechanisms prompting hopes that the Asian nation may one day yield to the call for full accountability and reform, two senior United Nations officials stated today.

    Briefing the Security Council on the situation in the DPRK, Assistant Secretary-General for Human Rights Ivan Šimonović highlighted the “widespread and systematic” crimes perpetrated by the Pyongyang Government, as detailed in a recent report produced by the UN Commission of Inquiry on human rights in the DPRK.

    Released in February, the 400-page report, culled from first-hand testimony from victims and witnesses, details “unspeakable atrocities” committed in the country spanning murder, enslavement, torture, rape, forced starvation and disappearances which, Mr. Šimonović said, in many instances “constitute crimes against humanity.”

    “Rarely has such an extensive charge-sheet of international crimes been brought to this Council’s attention,” he told the 15-member body, which decided in an 11-2-2 vote at the outset of the meeting to put the issue on its provisional agenda.

    “It documents a totalitarian system that is characterized by brutally enforced denial of the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion, as well as the rights to freedom of opinion, expression, information and association.”

    In its report, the Commission found that the DPRK “displays many attributes of a totalitarian State,” with State surveillance permeating private lives and virtually no expression critical of the political system going undetected – or unpunished. Military spending – predominantly on hardware and the development of weapons systems and the nuclear programme – has always been prioritized, even during periods of mass starvation, the report added.

    Referring to a 2013 survey conducted by the UN’s Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and World Food Programme (WFP), Mr. Šimonović explained that 84 per cent of households in the DPRK were not consuming enough food. Moreover, he noted, the State’s political prison-camp system – which the Commission estimated contained up to 120,000 people – imposed deliberate starvation, forced labour, executions and torture upon its inmates.

    The UN official also reaffirmed the Commission of Inquiry’s suggestion that the DPRK’s human rights situation and the security situation in the region were inextricably linked.

    “Comprehensive human rights violations by the DPRK have had a significant impact on regional peace and security, from international abductions and enforced disappearances to trafficking and the outflow of desperate refugees,” he continued. “If we are to reduce tension in the region, there must be movement towards real respect for human rights in the DPRK.”

    Nonetheless, Mr. Šimonović voiced optimism that a reversal in the status quo was still possible amid “promising new signs” of the DPRK authorities’ engagement with international human rights mechanisms. The country’s representatives had engaged productively with the UN Human Rights Council’s Universal Periodic Review and held an “unprecedented” meeting with the UN Special Rapporteur. At the same time, he said, Pyongyang had reopened investigations into alleged abductions of Japanese nationals.

    “All these developments may present an opportunity for real change,” he stated. “Other countries in the region have shown in the recent past that it is possible to dismantle deep-seated structures of repression and receive assistance in reform, leading to new recognition and standing in the international community.”

    Also briefing the Council was Assistant Secretary-General for Political Affairs Tayé-Brook Zerihoun, who agreed, noting that the situation provided an opening to restart credible dialogue in order to help overcome the current standoff on the Korean Peninsula.

    “These signals of engagement offer an important opportunity for the United Nations and the wider international community to redouble efforts towards building trust, dialogue and cooperation on all tracks,” Mr. Zerihoun declared. “It is also an opportunity for the DPRK to work with the international community to improve the human rights situation and the living conditions of the people of the country.”

    For his part, Mr. Šimonović called for greater Council engagement on the situation in the DPRK now that it had been presented with the Commission’s report in order to advance what he said were “two crucial goals: accountability and engagement for reform” in the country.

    “Concerted actions by the international community can have a powerful deterrent effect and may begin to change the policy of the DPRK,” he said, adding that the UN body should continue to “carefully” monitor developments in order to see whether engagement will lead to real change or whether it should take action by referral to the International Criminal Court and by adopting targeted sanctions.

    “The people of the DPRK have endured decades of suffering and cruelty. They need your protection. And the cause of justice, peace and security in the region requires your leadership.”


    Source: http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=49667#.VJjjHBePkU

    UN Security Council

    7353rd Meeting

    Provisional Agenda: The situation in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea

     

    22 December 2014

     

    UN 안전보장이사회

    제7353차 회의

    잠정 의제: DPRK에서의 상황

     

    2014. 12. 22.

     

    Public meeting in connection with the letter dated 5 December 2014 from the representatives of Australia, Chile, France, Jordan, Lithuania, Luxembourg, the Republic of Korea, Rwanda, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the United States of America to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council (S/2014/872).

     

    http://webtv.un.org/meetings-events/security-council/watch/the-situation-in-the-democratic-peoples-republic-of-korea-security-council-7353rd-meeting/3958194597001

     

     

    [Audio: English Interpretation/음성: 영어 통역]

    http://downloads.unmultimedia.org/radio/library/ltd/mp3/2014/1271988.mp3

     

    Keywords: DEMOCRATIC PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF KOREA, JEFFREY FELTMAN, IVAN SIMONOVIC, HUMAN RIGHTS, CYBER SECURITY

     

     

    [Excerpts/발췌]

     

    http://www.unmultimedia.org/tv/unifeed/2014/12/un-dprk-16

     

    The UN Security Council today kicked off a debate on  human rights in the Peoples' Democraticp People’s Republic of Korea, with a call that a case be referred to the International Criminal Court.

     

    [Excerpts/발췌]

     https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pQEy9IBehfA

     

    Statement by H.E. Mr. OH Joon, Permanent Representative of the Republic of Korea to the United Nations

     

    오준 주유엔 대한민국 대사 발언


     

    Letter (S/2014/872)

     

    S/2014/872

    Distr.: General

    5 December 2014

    Original: English

     

    Letter dated 5 December 2014 from the representatives of Australia, Chile, France, Jordan, Lithuania, Luxembourg, the Republic of Korea, Rwanda, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the United States of America to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council

     

     

             We the undersigned members of the Security Council — Australia, Chile, France, Jordan, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Republic of Korea, Rwanda, the United Kingdom and the United States — are deeply concerned about the situation in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.

              We are particularly concerned by the scale and gravity of human rights violations detailed in the comprehensive report undertaken by the Human Rights Council commission of inquiry on human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (A/HRC/25/63), as contained in document S/2014/276. These violations threaten to have a destabilizing impact on the region and the maintenance of international peace and security.

              Therefore, we write to request that the situation in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea be formally placed on the Council’s agenda without prejudice to the item on non-proliferation in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. We request a meeting of the Security Council on the situation in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, pursuant to rule 2 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, and request that a senior official from the Secretariat and a senior official from the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights formally brief the Council under that agenda item, which will enable Council members to receive further information from the Secretariat on this situation and its implications for international peace and security.

                     We would be grateful if the present letter could be circulated as a document of the Security Council, with a view to considering this agenda item as early as possible in the month of December. 


    Security Council Media Stakeout

     2014. 12. 22.

     

     안보리 기자회견

     

    2014. 12. 22.


    Informal comments to the media by H.E. Mr. OH Joon, Permanent Representative of the Republic of Korea to the United Nations on the situation of Human Rights in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK)

     

    오준 주유엔 대한민국 대표부 대사

     

    Informal comments to the media by Assistant Secretary-General for Human Rights, Ivan Šimonović, on the situation of Human Rights in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK)

     

    이반 시모노비치 인권담당 사무차장보

     

    http://webtv.un.org/meetings-events/security-council/watch/ivan-Šimonović-on-the-situation-of-human-rights-in-the-democratic-peoples-republic-of-korea-security-council-media-stakeout-22-december-2014/3957338562001

     

     

    Ban Ki-moon on the situation of Human Rights in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea

     

    반기문 UN 사무총장

     

    http://webtv.un.org/topics-issues/watch/ban-ki-moon-on-the-situation-of-human-rights-in-the-democratic-peoples-republic-of-korea-media-stakeout-22-december-2014/3956868844001


    [Media - Press encounters]

    Off-the-Cuff

    Secretary-General's press encounter on Ebola (full transcript)

    New York, 22 December 2014

     

    (...)

    Q: Secretary-General, the Security Council will later be holding its first ever meeting on the situation of human rights in North Korea. It’s an issue you’re well acquainted on. Can you tell us in your view how the human rights situation in North Korea should be an issue of international concern?

    SG: I’m aware of this and I’ve been closely following this situation on the DPRK [Democratic People’s Republic of Korea]’s human rights issues.

    Speaking broadly in general terms, human rights is one of the three pillars of the United Nations Charter and that should be the basis of all our work. When there is no human rights promotion and protection, there cannot be, it’s very difficult to think about political stability as well as sustainable development. That is why human rights should be given the highest priority for any countries in dealing with United Nations principles. When there is a serious, gross violation of human rights, then it can create a lot of movement of people fleeing the countries, and it creates refugee issues and [displacement] problems. Then, it affects the political stability and it affects development. Therefore, the United Nations regards this with the highest priority on protecting human rights. I am closely following what kind of decision the Security Council will take on this matter.


    [Meetings Coverage and Press Releases/회의취재 및 보도자료]

     

    22 December 2014

     

    SC/11720

     

    Security Council, in Divided Vote, Puts Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s Situation on Agenda following Findings of Unspeakable Human Rights Abuses

     

    안보리, DPRK의 상황을 의제로 상정

    7353rd Meeting (PM)

     

    Concerted action by the international community was needed following a Human Rights Council report on appalling, systematic abuses in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, high United Nations officials told the Security Council today, following a procedural vote of 13 in favour to 2 against (China, Russian Federation), with 2 abstentions (Chad, Nigeria) that put the situation on the body’s agenda.

    “Rarely has such an extensive charge-sheet of international crimes been brought to this Council’s attention,” Assistant Secretary-General for Human Rights, Ivan Šimonović said, during the first meeting under the new agenda item that was decoupled with that concerning non-proliferation.  Today’s meeting also heard from Assistant Secretary-General for Political Affairs, Taye-Brook Zerihoun.

    The meeting was requested in a letter sent to the Council President by 10 of its members (document S/2014/872) expressing concern about the “the scale and gravity of human rights violations” described in the report of the Commission of Inquiry established by the Human Rights Council (document S/2014/276) and its impact on international peace and security.

    A resolution to submit the Commission report to the Security Council was adopted by the General Assembly on 18 December, following action by its Third Committee (Social, Humanitarian and Cultural).  The resolution encouraged the Council to consider referral of the situation to the International Criminal Court, as well as targeted sanctions against those who contributed to what the Commission had called “crimes against humanity”.

    At this afternoon’s meeting, Mr. Šimonović said that the report described murder, extermination, disappearances, enslavement and rape, forced abortions and other sexual violence, with victims targeted on political, religious, racial and gender grounds.  “The report documents a totalitarian system that is characterized by brutally enforced denial of the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion, as well as the rights to freedom, expression, information of association,” he stated.

    Describing a loyalty rating system in the country, mass denial of food and other abuses contained in the report, he said that the Commission expressed its deepest horror at the country’s prison camp system, where, it estimated, hundreds of thousands had perished and some 100,000 were currently being held.

    Noting that the Commission of Inquiry had highlighted the connections between the human rights situation in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and security in the region, he said the sustained military focus and nuclear priority of the Government had been pursued at the expense of the well-being of its people.  “If we are to reduce tension in the region, there must be movement towards real respect for human rights in the [Democratic People’s Republic of Korea].  This is deserving of the Security Council’s fullest attention and action.”

    At the same time, he noted new signs of engagement between that country and international human rights mechanisms and bilateral negotiations with Japan on alleged abductions of Japanese nationals, which were an opportunity for real change.  The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) would support such progress, he pledged, urging that the Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea be invited to visit without preconditions.

    The Commission of Inquiry report, he said, would be followed up by a field-based structure in Seoul to serve as a hub for documentation, technical assistance and advocacy to advance accountability and improve human rights in that country.

    The report had been presented to the Council in the context of international criminal law, he said, adding that the 15-member body could advance two crucial goals:  accountability and engagement for reform.  He encouraged it to “carefully monitor developments in the coming months to see whether engagement leads to real change, or should take further action”.

    Assistant Secretary-General Zerihoun said that, aside from the Commission’s report, the United States Federal Bureau of Investigation had issued a report alleging that the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea was responsible for a recent cyber attack targeting Sony Pictures Entertainment.  While the United Nations was not privy to information on which the Bureau’s conclusions were based, the rise in the incidence and severity of cyber attacks was of increasing concern.

    He concluded:  “It is not just the nuclear issue that deserves international attention and action,” and with that, he urged the Security Council to consider the wider implications of the reported grave human rights situation.

    Agreeing that recent engagement offered an opportunity for redoubled efforts towards trust, dialogue and cooperation on all tracks, he said Member States should increase humanitarian assistance to the country.  He also encouraged a resumption of credible dialogue and meaningful engagement.  That would help overcome the standoff and go hand in hand with efforts to ensure accountability.

    Before the procedural vote this afternoon, China’s representative, explaining why he and the Russian representative had objected to the agenda item, said that the Council was not the forum to take up human rights issues, which themselves should not be politicized.  Issues on the Korean peninsula were sensitive and the additional focus would hamper the Council’s efforts in peace and security there.

    Also speaking before the vote was Australia’s representative, who said that the magnitude of the violations depicted a situation that threatened to destabilize the region.  That was why his country, along with 10 other Council members, had sent the letter to the Council president requesting that the situation be placed on the agenda, without prejudice to the item on non-proliferation.

    Following the briefings, all Council members took the floor.  Some mentioned the cyber-attack issue, but most that had requested the meeting described horrors included in the report and urged the Council to refer the situation to the International Criminal Court and consider targeted sanctions.  They urged the body to stay seized of the issue and take action as appropriate.  Speakers described the report as heart-breaking and yearned for change.

    Those speakers urged the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea to take the opportunity to improve the situation themselves, but, like the representative of the United Kingdom, held that, if it failed to hold violators to account, the international community must be ready to do so.  Chad’s representative, in his national capacity, called for prudence before action was taken too hastily.  The Russian Federation’s representative stated that the Council must stop taking on issues outside its purview, of which this meeting was an example.

    Also speaking today were the representatives of the United States, France, Nigeria, Luxembourg, Jordan, China, Chile, Rwanda, Lithuania, Argentina and Republic of Korea.

    The meeting began at 3:08 p.m., was suspended at 3:15 p.m., resumed at 3:22 p.m. and ended at 5:10 p.m.

    Statements

    GARY QUINLAN (Australia) described the meeting as an historic step forward for the international community’s efforts to consider the situation in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and its broader implications.  It also sent a vital message to the people there that the world was aware of their suffering and stood in solidarity with them.  The Council recognized that the dangerous threat to international peace and security posed by that regime was not limited to its weapons programmes and proliferation, but also flowed from its atrocious treatment of its people.  Australia strongly disagreed with those who asserted that the Council had no business considering the issue.  Human rights violations of the type and scale being seen in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea had reverberations beyond that country and amounted to a rejection of global norms that underpinned stable societies and undermined peaceful inter-State relations.

    With the Commission of Inquiry’s report, he said, the world now had a comprehensive, evidence-based assessment of the systematic, widespread and gross human rights violations being committed by that regime, which compelled a response.  By submitting the report to the Council for consideration and action, General Assembly members recognized that the Council had a responsibility to ensure accountability for the crimes being committed.  He urged countries having the most influence on the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea to press the case for fundamental change there.

    SAMANTHA POWER (United States) said today’s meeting reflected a growing consensus that the widespread and systematic human rights violations committed by Democratic People’s Republic of Korea threated international peace and security.  The Commission had conducted more than 200 interviews and held public hearings in which more than 80 witnesses had given testimony.  It had found that systematic, widespread and gross human rights violations were being committed; the evidence had provided “reasonable grounds” that crimes against humanity had been committed, pursuant to State policies.  A former guard testified that the baby of a political prisoner had been cooked and fed to animals — abuse that fit a pattern of testimonies of sadistic acts.  An estimated 80,000 to 120,000 people were being held in prison camps where such crimes occurred.

    She urged the Council to take up the issue because the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s response to the Commission’s report showed it was sensitive to criticism of its human rights record, threatening that efforts to hold it accountable would be met with “catastrophic” consequences.  If the Government wanted to be taken off the Council’s agenda, it should acknowledge its systematic violations, dismantle political prison camps, allow free, unfettered access of independent human rights observers and hold perpetrators accountable.  The Council must consider the recommendation that the situation be referred to the International Criminal Court.

    FRANÇOIS DELATTRE (France) welcomed the Commission’s report, which documented cases in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea of murder, arbitrary detentions, torture, rape, forced disappearances, impeded humanitarian access and use of famine.  Hundreds of thousands of political prisoners had died in the camps through the years, and today, the Council had convened to hear the cries of those living under a blood-thirsty regime.  Its authorities should be held accountable for their crimes, as that was a moral obligation of the international community.  The Council should consider the Commission’s recommendation to refer the situation to the Criminal Court.  The regime’s violations threatened international peace and security, and destabilized the region.  The severity, scale and nature of the violations had revealed a “unique” State in terms of terror.  Nuclear blackmail could not dissuade the Council from considering the situation.  Pyongyang must take responsibility, release political prisoners and open itself to international media, non-governmental organizations and the United Nations.

    USMAN SARKI (Nigeria), noting that the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea had participated in the first and second cycles of the Universal Periodic Review, encouraged that Government to strengthen its engagement with the Human Rights Council and treaty bodies, with a view to promoting and protecting its citizens’ rights.

    SYLVIE LUCAS (Luxembourg) said the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea had methodically flouted international law, and since 2006, conducted ballistic tests, regularly threatening nuclear strikes.  Just as serious, the country had repeatedly violated the most basic rights of its people, as documented in the “damning” Commission of Inquiry report on 7 January.  The text outlined crimes against humanity, which fell within the purview of the Rome Statute.  Respect for human rights was a hallmark of a stable society willing to live peacefully among its neighbours.  The Council should consider the Commission’s recommendation to refer the matter to the Court.  The Council also should consider taking targeted sanctions against those responsible for crimes against humanity.  She invited the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea to authorize a visit of the Special Rapporteur and encouraged the Council to be regularly briefed on the situation there.

    DINA KAWAR (Jordan) agreed that the report depicted a menace to international peace and security when combined with the country’s continued nuclear and ballistic missile activity.  The Council should make every effort to put an end to the abuses, as well as to the threat of use of nuclear weapons.  She called on the country to take prompt action to meet the concerns of the international community by inviting the Special Rapporteur and facilitating humanitarian aid.

    MARK LYALL GRANT (United Kingdom) said the appalling contents of the report showed a paranoid, callous and dangerous regime, and a totalitarian State without parallel in the modern world.  The Council could not ignore such grave findings.   He welcomed signs that the international community was increasingly paying attention to the country.  “If the [Democratic People’s Republic of Korea] fails to hold violators to account, the international community must be ready to do so,” he stated.  He supported appropriate Council action to ensure accountability, including consideration of a referral to the International Criminal Court.  Countries untethered from the rule of law presented a threat to peace and security, he added.  The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea must address the situation and take the first positive moves to improve it.  The Council must remain seized of the matter.

    LIU JIEYI (China) reiterated the position that China was against politicization of human rights issues, and that the Security Council was not the appropriate forum for their discussion.  As a neighbour of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, China was had great interest in reducing tensions in the Korean peninsula and was working for the denuclearization of the region, by, among other efforts, encouraging the return to six-party talks.

    CRISTIÁN BARROS MELET (Chile) said that his country had signed onto the request for the meeting and believed it was timely and necessary.  The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea had dismissed the allegations of violations in the report, threatening at the same time to perform a new nuclear test.  A broader focus on the situation must be maintained with greater pressure brought to bear, not only on the nuclear issue, but on bringing an end to the impunity of those accountable.  He urged the country to allow a visit of the Special Rapporteur and called on the Council to remain seized of the matter.

    OLIVIER NDUHUNGIREHE (Rwanda) said that, as a country that, in 1994, had suffered the worst human rights violations, it valued today’s meeting to examine such gross violations.  The three pillars of the responsibility to protect outlined the State’s primary duty to protect its people from the most serious abuses, with the international community obliged to use appropriate diplomatic, humanitarian and other means to do so.  If a State failed in its duty, the international community must be prepared to take action, in line with the Charter.  The Council should engage the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea on the basis of those pillars.  Rwanda was encouraged that that country had indicated a willingness to allow the Special Rapporteur’s access to its territory and hoped that would be pursued.  It was important for the Council to receive information from the Secretariat on the situation and its implications for international peace and security.  Rwanda supported the Commission’s recommendation to foster inter-Korean dialogue and urged all actors to engage in good faith to create favourable conditions for resuming political talks.  He hoped the Council would remain seized of the matter.

    RAIMONDA MURMOKAITĖ (Lithuania) said that those responsible to protect the rights of North Koreans had ruthlessly enforced almost complete denial of their freedoms, with extermination, enslavement, torture, forced abortion and prolonged starvation.  Even as mass starvation was claiming thousands of lives, the State had given precedence to military spending.  There were indications that the Government was ready to engage in a human rights dialogue, but such signals needed to be followed by concrete action.  Lithuania welcomed the recent resolution of the General Assembly on the human rights situation in that country and encouraged the Council to follow suit and take appropriate action to ensure accountability, including through possible referral of the situation to the International Criminal Court, and consideration of the scope for effective targeted sanctions.  The crimes against humanity in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea would continue as long as the policies, institutions and patterns of impunity there remained in place.

    MARÍA CRISTINA PERCEVAL (Argentina) said her Government had voted in favour of the resolutions of the Human Rights Council and Third Committee (Social, Humanitarian and Cultural), both of which condemned the gross, widespread and systematic human rights violations committed in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.  The inclusion of the issue on today’s agenda was outside the mandate of the Council, which would not contribute to the correct functioning of the United Nations system to extend its range of action beyond maintenance of international peace and security.  Today’s exception should not set a precedent.  She voiced concern over the Commission’s conclusion of widespread human rights violations, as well as the existence of crimes against humanity.  She also underscored the importance of diplomacy and political negotiations, with the goal of declaring the Korean peninsula free of nuclear weapons, adding that the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea must protect and ensure the human rights of its people.

    EVGENIY ZAGAYNOV (Russian Federation) said his Government was against the convening of today’s meeting, as it could lead to negative consequences for the effectiveness of the Council and other United Nations bodies.  Human rights issues should be considered in the Human Rights Council, which was created for that purpose.  Today’s discussion was unlikely to promote dialogue with the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea on the issue, for which the authorities had earlier stated they would be ready.

    OH JOON (Republic of Korea) said that, despite international efforts to address human rights issues in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, the situation had continued to worsen, ultimately warranting the Council’s attention. This year’s Assembly resolution on the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea was unique in that it contained a recommendation on the Council’s role in considering such matters.  The decision to place the situation on the Council’s agenda was a starting point for further discussion and engagement.  Human rights violations in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea were so systematic and widespread that they posed a threat to regional and international peace and security.

    He urged the Council’s attention to the grave situation in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, citing the Commission’s finding that many of the violations amounted to crimes against humanity.  The Council must play a crucial role in ensuring accountability, including through referring the situation to the Court.  His Government took serious note of the United States’ statement that the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea was behind a cyber attack on Sony Pictures.  Addressing the human rights issue was essential for maintaining peace and stability on the peninsula and in the region.  He hoped Pyongyang would engage with the international community through human rights dialogue, including with the Special Rapporteur, and through technical cooperation with the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR).

    MAHAMAT ZENE CHERIF (Chad), speaking in his national capacity, noted the massive violations alleged in the report and said the situation was indeed of deep concern if the veracity of the information was established.  At the same time, noting that the country had denied the report and that there had been little access by international observers, he urged prudence, pointing to errors that had been committed in the past due to taking hasty action on the basis of a report.  He called on the country’s representatives to clarify the situation and to allow access for that purpose, as well as to engage in dialogue.


    Source:

    http://www.unmultimedia.org/radio/library/2014/12/1271988.html

    http://www.un.org/press/en/2014/sc11720.doc.htm

    http://www.un.org/sg/offthecuff/index.asp?nid=3778

    대한변호사협회 인권위원회 법원 국제인권법연구회 공동학술대회

    양심적 병역거부와 대체복무제도의 필요성과 문제점

     

    자료집:  [자료집]_양심적_병역거부와_대체복무제도_도입의_필요성.pdf[자료집]_양심적_병역거부와_대체복무제도_도입의_필요성.pdf

     

    행사일정표: 첨부._학술대회_참가신청서.hwp첨부._학술대회_참가신청서.hwp

     

    지난 2004년 대법원, 헌법재판소에서 대체복무제도의 도입을 권고한 이후, 양심적 병역거부자에 대하여 지금도 각급 법원의 위헌심판제청이 제기되고 있고, 유엔자유권규약위원회 및 유엔인권이사회 등을 포함한 국제사회에서도 우리 정부에 지속적으로 대체복무제도 도입을 권고하고 있습니다. 지난 10년 간 부정적이던 여론도 대체복무 도입에 긍정적으로 나타나는 등 국민들의 인식이 변화되고 있음에도 정부와 국회는 입법적으로 개선하려는 어떠한 모습도 보이지 않고 있는 실정입니다.

     

    이에, 대한변호사협회 인권위원회는 법원 국제인권법연구회와 공동으로 양심적 병역거부자와 대체복무제도 도입에 대한 문제점과 필요성을 논의하고 사회적 공감대 형성을 위하여 각계각층의 전문가를 모시고 바람직한 법적 제도 개선 방향을 제시하고자 12월 20일(토) 14:00 서울지방변호사회 변호사회관 지하 1층에서 학술대회를 개최합니다.


    참석을 희망하는 회원은 붙임의 신청서를 작성하시어, 대한변호사협회 인권과(e-mail : jdchang78@koreanbar.or.kr, 팩스 : 02-3476-2771)로 송부해 주시기 바랍니다. 참고로, 동 공청회에 참석하는 회원은 의무전문연수 3시간이 인정됨을 알려드립니다.

     

    일 시 : 20141220(토요일) 14:00

    장 소 : 서울지방변호사회관 지하 1(서초역 8번 출구)

    주 최 : 대한변호사협회 인권위원회 · 법원 국제인권법연구회

    일 정

     

    시 간

    세 부 일 정

    14:00~14:10

    (10)

    개 회

    전체 사회 이광수 대한변협 사법인권소위원회 위원장

    인사말 김태천 국제인권법연구회 회장

    민경한 대한변호사협회 인권이사

    14:10~14:25

    (15)

    기조발제

    전수안 사단법인 선 고문(대법관)

    14:25~15:25

    (60)

    주제발표

    좌장김성수 수원지방법원 부장판사

    김영식 서울고등법원 판사

    오재창 변호사(대한변호사협회 인권위원)

    휴 식

    15:40~16:50

    (70)

    지정토론

    진성준 국회의원

    임천영 국방부 법무관리관

    이재승 건국대 법학전문대학원 교수

    임재성 양심적 병역거부 당사자

    김진한 인하대 법학전문대학원 교수

    16:50~17:20

    (30)

    질의응답 및 종합토론


    출처:

    http://www.koreanbar.or.kr/notice/board01_list.asp

    http://www.koreanbar.or.kr/data/data03_list.asp?search_t_id=A50500

     

    [보도자료] 

     

    2013헌다1 통합진보당 해산, 2013헌사907 정당활동정지가처분신청.hwp

     

     

    [결정문 전문]

     

    2013헌다1 - 통진당 정당 해산.hwp

     

    http://search.ccourt.go.kr/ths/pr/ths_pr0101_L1.do

     

    2013헌다1 - 통진당 해산 - 결정문 전문 - 보도기사 작성용 초고.pdf

     

    http://image.chosun.com/news/2014/abc001.pdf


    통합진보당 해산 청구 사건

     

    (2013헌다1 통합진보당 해산, 2013헌사907 정당활동정지가처분신청)

     

    헌법재판소는 20141219일 재판관 8(인용) : 1(기각)의 의견으로, 피청구인 통합진보당을 해산하고 그 소속 국회의원은 의원직을 상실한다는 결정을 선고하였다.

    피청구인이 북한식 사회주의를 실현한다는 숨은 목적을 가지고 내란을 논의하는 회합을 개최하는 등 활동을 한 것은 헌법상 민주적 기본질서에 위배되고, 이러한 피청구인의 실질적 해악을 끼치는 구체적 위험성을 제거하기 위해서는 정당해산 외에 다른 대안이 없으며, 피청구인에 대한 해산결정은 비례의 원칙에도 어긋나지 않고, 위헌정당의 해산을 명하는 비상상황에서는 국회의원의 국민 대표성은 희생될 수밖에 없으므로 피청구인 소속 국회의원의 의원직 상실은 위헌정당해산 제도의 본질로부터 인정되는 기본적 효력이라고 판단한 것이다.

    이에 대하여 정당해산의 요건은 엄격하게 해석하고 적용하여야 하는데, 피청구인에게 은폐된 목적이 있다는 점에 대한 증거가 없고, 피청구인의 강령 등에 나타난 진보적 민주주의 등 피청구인의 목적은 민주적 기본질서에 위배되지 않으며, 경기도당 주최 행사에서 나타난 내란 관련 활동은 민주적 기본질서에 위배되지만 그 활동을 피청구인의 책임으로 귀속시킬 수 없고 그 밖의 피청구인의 활동은 민주적 기본질서에 위배되지 않는다는 재판관 김이수의 반대의견이 있다.

    한편, 헌법재판소는 청구인이 신청한 정당활동정지가처분신청은 기각하였다.

     


     

    통합진보당 해산

     

    사건번호 2013헌다1 상태 2014.12.19 종국
    별칭 통합진보당 해산 청구 사건

    결정요지

     

    선고일자 2014.12.19 종국결과 인용(해산)

     

     

    헌법재판소는 2014년 12월 19일 재판관 8(인용) : 1(기각)의 의견으로, 피청구인 통합진보당을 해산하고 그 소속 국회의원은 의원직을 상실한다는 결정을 선고하였다.

    피청구인이 북한식 사회주의를 실현한다는 숨은 목적을 가지고 내란을 논의하는 회합을 개최하는 등 활동을 한 것은 헌법상 민주적 기본질서에 위배되고, 이러한 피청구인의 실질적 해악을 끼치는 구체적 위험성을 제거하기 위해서는 정당해산 외에 다른 대안이 없으며, 피청구인에 대한 해산결정은 비례의 원칙에도 어긋나지 않고, 위헌정당의 해산을 명하는 비상상황에서는 국회의원의 국민 대표성은 희생될 수밖에 없으므로 피청구인 소속 국회의원의 의원직 상실은 위헌정당해산 제도의 본질로부터 인정되는 기본적 효력이라고 판단한 것이다.

    이에 대하여 정당해산의 요건은 엄격하게 해석하고 적용하여야 하는데, 피청구인에게 은폐된 목적이 있다는 점에 대한 증거가 없고, 피청구인의 강령 등에 나타난 진보적 민주주의 등 피청구인의 목적은 민주적 기본질서에 위배되지 않으며, 경기도당 주최 행사에서 나타난 내란 관련 활동은 민주적 기본질서에 위배되지만 그 활동을 피청구인의 책임으로 귀속시킬 수 없고 그 밖의 피청구인의 활동은 민주적 기본질서에 위배되지 않는다는 재판관 김이수의 반대의견이 있다.

    한편, 헌법재판소는 청구인이 신청한 정당활동정지가처분신청은 기각하였다.

     

    □ 사건의 개요 및 심판의 대상
    ○ 사건의 개요
    - 청구인은 2013. 11. 5. 피청구인의 목적과 활동이 민주적 기본질서에 위배된다고 주장하면서 피청구인의 해산 및 피청구인 소속 국회의원에 대한 의원직 상실을 구하는 이 사건 심판을 청구하였다.

    ○ 심판의 대상
    - 피청구인의 목적이나 활동이 민주적 기본질서에 위배되는지 여부
    - 피청구인에 대한 해산결정을 선고할 것인지 여부와 피청구인 소속 국회의원에 대한 의원직 상실을 선고할 것인지 여부

    ※ 피청구인의 전신이라 할 수 있는 민주노동당의 목적과 활동은 피청구인의 목적이나 활동과의 관련성이 인정되는 범위에서 판단의 자료로 삼을 수 있으나, 민주노동당의 목적이나 활동 자체가 이 사건 심판의 대상이 되는 것은 아니다.

    □ 결정이유의 요지
    ○ 청구의 적법성 - 적법
    - 대통령이 직무상 해외 순방 중인 경우에는 국무총리가 그 직무를 대행할 수 있으므로, 국무총리가 주재한 국무회의에서 이 사건 정당해산심판 청구서 제출안이 의결되었다고 하여 그 의결이 위법하다고 볼 수 없다.
    - 국무회의에 제출되는 의안은 긴급한 의안이 아닌 한 차관회의의 심의를 거쳐야 하나, 의안의 긴급성에 관한 판단은 정부의 재량이므로, 피청구인 소속 국회의원 등이 관련된 내란 관련 사건이 발생한 상황에서 제출된 이 사건 정당해산심판청구에 대한 의안이 긴급한 의안에 해당한다고 본 정부의 판단에 재량의 일탈이나 남용이 있다고 단정하기 어렵다.

    ○ 정당해산심판제도의 의의와 정당해산심판의 사유
    ○ 정당해산심판제도의 의의
    - 정당해산심판제도는 정당 존립의 특권 특히 정부의 비판자로서 야당의 존립과 활동을 특별히 보장하고자 하는 헌법제정자의 규범적 의지의 산물로 이해되어야 한다. 그러나 이 제도로 인해서 정당 활동의 자유가 인정된다고 하더라도 민주적 기본질서를 침해해서는 안 된다는 헌법적 한계 역시 설정되어 있다.

    ○ 정당해산심판의 사유
    - 정당의 목적이나 활동 중 어느 하나라도 민주적 기본질서에 위배되어야 한다.
    - 헌법 제8조 제4항의 ‘민주적 기본질서’는, 개인의 자율적 이성을 신뢰하고 모든 정치적 견해들이 상대적 진리성과 합리성을 지닌다고 전제하는 다원적 세계관에 입각한 것으로서, 모든 폭력적ㆍ자의적 지배를 배제하고, 다수를 존중하면서도 소수를 배려하는 민주적 의사결정과 자유와 평등을 기본원리로 하여 구성되고 운영되는 정치적 질서를 말한다.
    - 민주적 기본질서를 부정하지 않는 한 정당은 다양한 스펙트럼의 이념적 지향을 자유롭게 추구할 수 있다.
    - 민주적 기본질서 위배란 민주적 기본질서에 대한 단순한 위반이나 저촉을 의미하는 것이 아니라 정당의 목적이나 활동이 민주적 기본질서에 대한 실질적 해악을 끼칠 수 있는 구체적 위험성을 초래하는 경우를 가리킨다.
    - 강제적 정당해산은 핵심적인 정치적 기본권인 정당 활동의 자유에 대한 근본적 제한이므로 헌법 제37조 제2항이 규정하고 있는 비례의 원칙을 준수해야만 한다.

    ○ 피청구인의 목적이나 활동이 민주적 기본질서에 위배되는지 여부 - 위배
    ○ 피청구인의 목적
    - 정당의 강령은 그 자체로 다의적이고 추상적으로 규정되는 것이 일반적이고, 피청구인이 지도적 이념으로 내세우는 진보적 민주주의 역시 그 자체로 특정한 내용을 담고 있다고 보기 어렵다.

    - 진보적 민주주의는 이른바 자주파에 의해 피청구인 강령에 도입되었다.

    - 자주파는 이른바 민족해방(National Liberation, NL) 계열로 우리 사회를 미 제국주의에 종속된 식민지 반(半)봉건사회 또는 반(半)자본주의사회로 이해하고 민족해방 인민민주주의혁명이 필요하다고 주장하고 있다. 이들은 한국 사회를 신식민지 국가독점자본주의 사회로 파악하고 계급적 지배 체제의 극복을 중시했던 민중민주(People's Democracy, PD) 계열 또는 평등파와 구별된다.

    - 진보적 민주주의 실현을 추구하는 경기동부연합, 광주전남연합, 부산울산연합의 주요 구성원 및 이들과 이념적 지향점을 같이하는 당원 등 피청구인 주도세력은 자주파에 속하고 그들의 방침대로 당직자 결정 등 주요 사안을 결정하며 당을 주도하여 왔다.

    - 피청구인 주도세력은 과거 민혁당 및 영남위원회, 실천연대, 일심회, 한청 등에서 자주ㆍ민주ㆍ통일 노선을 제시하면서 북한의 주장에 동조하거나 북한과 연계되어 활동하고, 북한의 주체사상을 추종하였다. 이들은 북한 관련 문제에서는 맹목적으로 북한을 지지하고 대한민국 정부는 무리하게 비판하고 있으며, 이석기가 주도한 내란 관련 사건에도 다수 참석하였고 이 사건 관련자를 적극 옹호하고 있다.

    - 피청구인 주도세력은 우리나라를 미국과 외세에 예속된 천민적 자본주의 또는 식민지 반자본주의 사회로 인식하고 있고, 자유민주주의 체제가 자본가 계급의 정권으로서 자본가 내지 특권적 지배계급이 국가권력을 장악하여 민중을 착취 수탈하고 민중의 주권을 실질적으로 강탈한 구조적 불평등사회로 인식하고 있다. 피청구인 주도세력은 이러한 자유민주주의 체제의 모순을 해소하기 위해 민중이 주권을 가지는 민중민주주의 사회로 전환하여야 하는데 민족해방문제가 선결과제이므로 민족해방 민중민주주의혁명을 하여야 한다고 주장한다. 그런데 피청구인 주도세력은 자유민주주의 체제에서 사회주의로 안정적으로 이행하기 위한 과도기 정부로서 진보적 민주주의 체제를 설정하였다. 한편, 피청구인 주도세력은 연방제 통일을 추구하고 있는데, 낮은 단계 연방제 통일 이후 추진할 통일국가의 모습은 과도기 진보적 민주주의 체제를 거친 사회주의 체제이다.

    - 피청구인 주도세력은 우리 사회가 특권적 지배계급이 주권을 행사하는 거꾸로 된 사회라는 인식 아래 대중투쟁이 전민항쟁으로 발전하고 저항권적 상황이 전개될 경우 무력행사 등 폭력을 행사하여 자유민주주의 체제를 전복하고 헌법제정에 의한 새로운 진보적 민주주의 체제를 구축하여 집권한다는 입장을 가지고 있다. 이들의 이러한 입장은 이석기 등의 내란 관련 사건으로 현실로 확인되었다.

    ○ 피청구인의 활동
    - 이석기를 비롯한 내란 관련 회합 참가자들은 경기동부연합의 주요 구성원으로서 북한의 주체사상을 추종하고, 당시 정세를 전쟁 국면으로 인식하고 이석기의 주도 아래 전쟁 발발 시 북한에 동조하여 대한민국 내 국가기간시설의 파괴, 무기 제조 및 탈취, 통신 교란 등 폭력 수단을 실행하고자 회합을 개최하였다.

    - 내란 관련 회합의 개최 경위, 참석자들의 피청구인 당내 지위 및 역할, 이 회합이 피청구인의 핵심 주도세력에 의하여 개최된 점, 회합을 주도한 이석기의 경기동부연합의 수장으로서의 지위 및 이 사건에 대한 피청구인의 전당적 옹호 및 비호 태도 등을 종합하면, 이 회합은 피청구인의 활동으로 귀속된다.

    - 그 밖에 비례대표 부정경선, 중앙위원회 폭력 사태 및 관악을 지역구 여론 조작 사건 등은 피청구인 당원들이 토론과 표결에 기반하지 않고 비민주적이고 폭력적인 수단으로 지지하는 후보의 당선을 관철시키려고 한 것으로서 선거제도를 형해화하여 민주주의 원리를 훼손하는 것이다.

    ○ 피청구인의 진정한 목적과 활동
    - 피청구인 주도세력은 폭력에 의하여 진보적 민주주의를 실현하고 이를 기초로 통일을 통하여 최종적으로 사회주의를 실현한다는 목적을 가지고 있다. 피청구인 주도세력은 북한을 추종하고 있고 그들이 주장하는 진보적 민주주의는 북한의 대남혁명전략과 거의 모든 점에서 전체적으로 같거나 매우 유사하다.

    - 피청구인 주도세력은 민중민주주의 변혁론에 따라 혁명을 추구하면서 북한의 입장을 옹호하고 애국가를 부정하거나 태극기도 게양하지 않는 등 대한민국의 정통성을 부정하고 있다. 이러한 경향은 이석기 등 내란 관련 사건에서 극명하게 드러났다.

    - 이러한 사정과 피청구인 주도세력이 피청구인을 장악하고 있음에 비추어 그들의 목적과 활동은 피청구인의 목적과 활동으로 귀속되는 점 등을 종합하여 보면, 피청구인의 진정한 목적과 활동은 1차적으로 폭력에 의하여 진보적 민주주의를 실현하고 최종적으로는 북한식 사회주의를 실현하는 것으로 판단된다.

    ○ 피청구인의 목적이나 활동이 민주적 기본질서에 위배되는지 여부
    - 북한식 사회주의 체제는 조선노동당이 제시하는 정치 노선을 절대적인 선으로 받아들이고 그 정당의 특정한 계급노선과 결부된 인민민주주의 독재방식과 수령론에 기초한 1인 독재를 통치의 본질로 추구하는 점에서 우리 헌법상 민주적 기본질서와 근본적으로 충돌한다.

    - 피청구인은 진보적 민주주의를 실현하기 위해서는 전민항쟁이나 저항권 등 폭력을 행사하여 자유민주주의체제를 전복할 수 있다고 하는데, 이는 모든 폭력적ㆍ자의적 지배를 배제하고, 다수를 존중하면서도 소수를 배려하는 민주적 의사결정을 기본원리로 하는 민주적 기본질서에 정면으로 저촉된다.

    - 내란 관련 사건, 비례대표 부정경선 사건, 중앙위원회 폭력 사건 및 관악을 지역구 여론 조작 사건 등 피청구인의 활동들은 내용적 측면에서는 국가의 존립, 의회제도, 법치주의 및 선거제도 등을 부정하는 것이고, 수단이나 성격의 측면에서는 자신의 의사를 관철하기 위해 폭력ㆍ위계 등을 적극적으로 사용하여 민주주의 이념에 반하는 것이다.

    - 피청구인이 북한식 사회주의를 실현한다는 숨은 목적을 가지고 내란을 논의하는 회합을 개최하고 비례대표 부정경선 사건이나 중앙위원회 폭력 사건을 일으키는 등 활동을 하여 왔는데 이러한 활동은 유사상황에서 반복될 가능성이 크다. 더구나 피청구인 주도세력의 북한 추종성에 비추어 피청구인의 여러 활동들은 민주적 기본질서에 대해 실질적 해악을 끼칠 구체적 위험성이 발현된 것으로 보인다. 특히 내란 관련 사건에서 피청구인 구성원들이 북한에 동조하여 대한민국의 존립에 위해를 가할 수 있는 방안을 구체적으로 논의한 것은 피청구인의 진정한 목적을 단적으로 드러낸 것으로서 표현의 자유의 한계를 넘어 민주적 기본질서에 대한 구체적 위험성을 배가한 것이다.

    - 이상을 종합하면, 피청구인의 위와 같은 진정한 목적이나 그에 기초한 활동은 우리 사회의 민주적 기본질서에 대해 실질적 해악을 끼칠 수 있는 구체적 위험성을 초래하였다고 판단되므로, 우리 헌법상 민주적 기본질서에 위배된다.

    ○ 비례의 원칙에 위배되는지 여부
    - 피청구인은 적극적이고 계획적으로 민주적 기본질서를 공격하여 그 근간을 훼손하고 이를 폐지하고자 하였으므로, 이로 인해 초래되는 위험성을 시급히 제거하기 위해 정당해산의 필요성이 인정된다.

    - 대남혁명전략에 따라 대한민국 체제를 전복하려는 북한이라는 반국가단체와 대치하고 있는 대한민국의 특수한 상황도 고려하여야 한다.

    - 위법행위가 확인된 개개인에 대한 형사처벌이 가능하지만 그것만으로 정당 자체의 위헌성이 제거되지는 않으며, 피청구인 주도세력은 언제든 그들의 위헌적 목적을 정당의 정책으로 내걸어 곧바로 실현할 수 있는 상황에 있다. 따라서 합법정당을 가장하여 국민의 세금으로 상당한 액수의 정당보조금을 받아 활동하면서 민주적 기본질서를 파괴하려는 피청구인의 고유한 위험성을 제거하기 위해서는 정당해산결정 외에 다른 대안이 없다.

    - 정당해산결정으로 민주적 기본질서를 수호함으로써 얻을 수 있는 법익은 정당해산결정으로 초래되는 피청구인의 정당활동 자유의 근본적 제약이나 민주주의에 대한 일부 제한이라는 불이익에 비하여 월등히 크고 중요하다.

    - 결국, 피청구인에 대한 해산결정은 민주적 기본질서에 가해지는 위험성을 실효적으로 제거하기 위한 부득이한 해법으로서 헌법 제8조 제4항에 따라 정당화되므로 비례의 원칙에 어긋나지 않는다.

    ○ 피청구인 소속 국회의원의 의원직 상실 여부 - 상실
    ○ 국회의원의 국민대표성과 정당 기속성
    - 국회의원은 국민 전체의 대표자로서 활동하는 한편, 소속 정당의 이념을 대변하는 정당의 대표자로서도 활동한다. 공직선거법 제192조 제4항은 비례대표 국회의원에 대하여 소속 정당의 해산 등 이외의 사유로 당적을 이탈하는 경우 퇴직된다고 규정하고 있는데, 이 규정의 의미는 정당이 자진 해산하는 경우 비례대표 국회의원은 퇴직되지 않는다는 것으로서, 국회의원의 국민대표성과 정당기속성 사이의 긴장관계를 적절히 조화시켜 규율하고 있다.

    ○ 정당해산심판제도의 본질적 효력과 의원직 상실 여부
    - 엄격한 요건 아래 위헌정당으로 판단하여 정당 해산을 명하는 것은 헌법을 수호한다는 방어적 민주주의 관점에서 비롯된 것이므로, 이러한 비상상황에서는 국회의원의 국민 대표성은 부득이 희생될 수밖에 없다.

    - 해산되는 위헌정당 소속 국회의원이 의원직을 유지한다면 위헌적인 정치이념을 정치적 의사 형성과정에서 대변하고 이를 실현하려는 활동을 허용함으로써 실질적으로는 그 정당이 계속 존속하는 것과 마찬가지의 결과를 가져오므로, 해산 정당 소속 국회의원의 의원직을 상실시키지 않는 것은 결국 정당해산제도가 가지는 헌법 수호 기능이나 방어적 민주주의 이념과 원리에 어긋나고 정당해산결정의 실효성을 확보할 수 없게 된다.

    - 이와 같이 헌법재판소의 해산결정으로 해산되는 정당 소속 국회의원의 의원직 상실은 위헌정당해산 제도의 본질로부터 인정되는 기본적 효력이다.

    □ 재판관 김이수의 반대의견의 요지
    ※ 이 사건 심판청구의 적법성, 그리고 정당해산심판제도의 의의와 정당해산심판의 사유에 대하여는 법정의견과 의견을 같이함.

    ○ 정당해산요건의 엄격한 해석, 적용의 요구
    - 정당해산요건을 해석함에 있어서는 그 문언적 의미를 제한적으로 이해하여야 하고, 정당의 목적이나 활동의 내용을 판단할 수 있는 자료 내지 근거를 선별함에 있어서는 당해 정당과의 관련성을 정밀하게 살펴야 한다.

    - 정당의 목적이나 활동의 판단자료는 대부분 표현행위이므로 그 의미는 가능한 한 객관적이고 보편적으로 수용 가능한 해석 방법론에 의하여 확정되어야 한다. 또 정당해산의 요건을 해석하고 적용함에 있어서는 어떤 논리적 오류나 비약도 있어서는 안 된다. 피청구인에게 ‘은폐된 목적’이 있다는 점 자체가 엄격하게 증명되어야 할 사항 가운데 하나임에도 불구하고, 청구인의 논증은 이를 당연한 것으로 전제하고 있다.

    - 피청구인은 당비를 납부하는 진성 당원의 수만 3만 여명에 이르는 정당인데, 그 대다수 구성원의 정치적 지향이 어디에 있는지 논증하는 과정에서 구성원 중 극히 일부의 지향을 피청구인 전체의 정견으로 간주하여서는 안 된다. 피청구인의 일부 구성원이 민주적 기본질서에 위배되는 사상을 가지고 있으므로 나머지 구성원도 모두 그러할 것이라는 가정은 부분에 대하여 말할 수 있는 것을 전체에 부당하게 적용하는 것으로서 성급한 일반화의 오류이다.

    - 자주파가 주축이 된 피청구인의 목적이 1차적으로 폭력에 의하여 진보적 민주주의를 실현하고 최종적으로 북한식 사회주의를 실현하는 데 있다는 법정의견의 판단이 정당해산심판 사유를 엄격하게 해석, 적용한 결과인지 의문이다.

    ○ 피청구인의 목적 - 민주적 기본질서에 위배되지 않음
    - 피청구인의 강령이나 이를 구체화하는 문헌들을 종합해 볼 때, “일하는 사람이 주인 되는 자주적 민주정부를 세우고, 민중이 정치경제 사회 문화 등 사회생활 전반의 진정한 주인이 되는 진보적인 민주주의 사회를 실현하겠다.”는 피청구인의 선언은, 일하는 사람, 민중에 해당하는 계급과 계층의 이익을 중심으로 우리 사회의 모순들을 극복해 실질적 민주주의를 구현하겠다는 것이라고 볼 수 있다.

    - 피청구인의 강령상 ‘진보적 민주주의’의 구체적인 내용은 이른바 진보적 정치세력들에 의하여 수십 년에 걸쳐 주장되고 형성된 여러 논리들과 정책들을 선택적으로 수용하고 조합한 것으로서 실질적으로 광의의 사회주의 이념으로 평가될 수 있으나, 민주적 기본질서에 위배되는 내용을 담고 있지는 않다. 또 법정의견이 보는 것처럼 피청구인이 북한식 사회주의 추구를 위한 전제조건으로서 ‘진보적 민주주의’를 도입하였다고 볼 수 있는 증거도 없다.

    - 한편 자주파의 대북정책이나 입장이 우리 사회의 다수 인식과 동떨어진 측면이 있고 자주파가 친북적 성향을 가지고 있었다고 할지라도, 자주파 전체가 북한을 무조건 추종하고 북한식 사회주의를 추구한다고 볼 수 있는 증거는 없다. 민주노동당에서 피청구인에 이르는 분당과 창당 및 재분당 과정을 통하여 피청구인은 민주노동당보다 인적으로 축소된 상태이고 자주파나 이에 우호적인 사람들의 비중이 커졌다고 볼 수 있으나, 민주노동당 구성원 가운데 종북 성향을 가진 사람만이 피청구인에 남았다고 볼 수도 없다.

    청구인은 민혁당 잔존세력이 피청구인을 장악하였다고 주장하나, 피청구인 구성원 가운데 민혁당 조직원이나 하부 조직원 또는 관계자였던 것으로 인정할 수 있는 사람은 직접 유죄판결을 받았거나 판결에서 조직원으로 언급된 단지 몇 명에 불과하고, 경기동부연합이 과거 민혁당 또는 민혁당 조직원 등에 의하여 의사결정이 좌우되는 상태에 있었다는 점이나, 경기동부연합, 광주전남연합, 부산울산경남연합이 어떤 이념을 공유하거나 지지하여, 통일적으로, 단결하여 활동하고 있다는 점도 입증되었다고 볼 수 없다.

    - 피청구인이 우리 사회의 문제를 구조적인 것으로 인식하여 구조적이고 급진적인 변혁을 추구하고 있다고 하더라도, 단순히 확립된 질서에 도전한다는 것만으로는 민주 국가에서 금지되는 행위가 되지 않는다. 피청구인이 표방하는 ‘일하는 사람들이 주인 되는 사회’나 외세로부터 자유로운 ‘자주적 정부’는 오래된 정치철학적 전통 속에 있는 주장으로 각국의 다양한 진보정당들이 같은 취지의 주장을 개진하고 있으며 피청구인이 독창적으로 구성하여 제기한 것이 아니다. 피청구인이 현존하는 정치ㆍ경제 질서에 부정적 의사를 표시하고, 선거를 통한 집권 이외에 예외적으로 헌법질서가 중대하게 침해받는 경우에는 저항권에 의한 집권이 가능하다고 언급하고 있다는 사정만으로, 폭력적 수단이나 민주주의 원칙에 반하는 수단으로 변혁을 추구하거나 민주적 기본질서의 전복을 추구하고 있다는 점이 구체적으로 입증되었다고 볼 수 없다.

    - 피청구인이 사회주의적 요소를 내포하는 강령을 내세우고 있고, 북한도 적어도 대외적ㆍ공식적으로는 사회주의 이념을 내세우고 있으므로, 피청구인의 주장이 북한의 주장과 일정 부분 유사한 것은 자연스런 현상이다. 피청구인이 북한을 추종하기 때문에 위와 같은 유사성이 나타났다고 보는 것은 지나치게 단순한 해석이다. 정부와 권력에 대한 비판적 정신과 시각이 북한과의 연계나 북한에 대한 동조라는 막연한 혐의로 좌절되는 일이 재발하지 않도록 하기 위해서는 북한의 주장과 유사하다는 점만으로 북한 추종성이 곧바로 증명될 수 있다고 보아서는 안 된다.

    ○ 피청구인의 활동 - 민주적 기본질서에 위배되지 않음
    - 피청구인의 지역조직인 경기도당이 주최한 2013. 5. 10. 및 5. 12. 모임에서 이루어진 이석기 등의 발언은, 전쟁이 벌어졌을 때 남의 자주세력과 북의 자주세력이 힘을 합쳐서 적인 미국과 싸운다거나 대한민국의 국가기간시설을 공격한다는 발상을 담고 있어 국민의 보편적 정서에 어긋나는 것일 뿐만 아니라, 이러한 모임을 되풀이하거나 구체적 실행으로 나아갈 개연성 등을 고려하면 민주적 기본질서에 위배된다. 그러나 피청구인의 지역조직인 경기도당 행사에서 이루어진 위와 같은 활동은 비핵평화체제와 자주적 평화통일을 추구하는 피청구인 전체의 기본노선에 반하여 이루어진 것으로서, 피청구인이 이를 적극적으로 옹호하거나 그로부터 기본노선에 영향을 받고 있다고 인정하기에는 부족하므로 이를 피청구인의 책임으로 귀속시킬 수 없다. 즉, 이석기 등의 그와 같은 발언은 피청구인의 기본노선과 현저하게 다르고, 이 사건 모임 참석자들이 피청구인 전체를 장악하였다고 할 수 없으며, 나아가 피청구인이 이 사건 모임 또는 모임에서의 발언을 승인하였다고 볼 수도 없으므로, 이 사건 모임이나 그 모임에서 이루어진 구체적 활동으로 인한 민주적 기본질서 위배의 문제를 피청구인 정당 전체의 책임으로 볼 수는 없다.

    - 비례대표 부정경선 사건이나 중앙위원회 폭력 사건, 야권단일화 여론조작 사건과 같은 피청구인 일부 구성원의 개별 활동이 당내 민주주의를 훼손하거나, 민주적 의사결정원리를 존중하지 않았거나, 실정법을 위반한 사실은 인정된다. 그러나 피청구인 전체가 민주적 기본질서에 위배되는 목적을 위하여 조직적, 계획적, 적극적, 지속적으로 위와 같은 활동을 한 것은 아니다.

    - 위와 같은 활동들을 제외하면 피청구인은 다른 정당들과 마찬가지로 일상적인 정당활동을 영위하여 온 점, 그간 우리 사회가 산발적인 선거부정 행위나 정당 관계자의 범죄에 대하여는 행위자에 대한 형사처벌과 당해 정당의 정치적 책임의 문제로 해결하여 온 점 등을 고려하면, 위와 같은 활동들이 피청구인의 정치적 기본노선에 입각한 것이거나 거꾸로 피청구인의 기본노선에 중대한 영향을 미치는 것으로서 민주적 기본질서에 실질적 해악을 끼칠 구체적 위험이 있다고 보기에는 부족하다.

    - 또한 피청구인이 민주적 기본질서에 위배되는 목적의 추구를 위하여 적극적, 의도적으로 국가보안법 위반 전력자를 기용하였다고 볼 수도 없다.

    - 결국 피청구인의 활동은 민주적 기본질서에 위배되지 아니한다.

    ○ 비례원칙 충족 여부 - 해산의 필요성 인정되지 않음
    - 피청구인에 대한 해산결정은 그것을 통해 달성할 수 있는 사회적 이익이 통상적인 관념에 비해 크지 않을 수 있다. 그 반면 피청구인의 해산결정으로 인해 초래될 사회적 불이익은 민주 사회의 순기능에 장애를 줄 만큼 크다. 강제적 정당해산은 민주주의 체제의 가장 중요한 요소인 정당의 자유 및 정치적 결사의 자유에 대한 중대한 제약을 초래한다. 피청구인에 대한 해산결정은 우리 사회가 추구하고 보호해야 할 사상의 다양성을 훼손하고, 특히 소수자들의 정치적 자유를 심각하게 위축시킬 수 있다. 나아가 피청구인에 대한 해산결정은 우리 사회의 진정한 통합과 안정에도 심각한 영향을 준다.

    - 민주노동당 시절부터 지금까지 피청구인이 한국 사회에 제시했던 여러 진보적 정책들이 우리 사회를 변화하게 만든 부분이 있음을 부인하기 어렵고, 이는 피청구인에 소속된 대다수 당원들이 이 당의 당원이 되고자 결심하도록 만든 큰 이유가 되었을 것이다. 그럼에도 불구하고 이석기 등 일부의 당원들이 보여준 일탈 행위를 이유로 피청구인을 해산해 버린다면, 이 노선과 활동을 지지해 온 대다수 일반 당원들(피청구인 전체 당원 수는 10만여 명에 이른다)의 정치적 뜻을 왜곡하고 그들을 위헌적인 정당의 당원으로 만듦으로써 그들에게 사회적 낙인 효과를 가하게 될 것이다. 이는 피청구인 자체를 반국가단체로, 그리고 당원 전체를 반국가단체의 구성원으로, 피청구인을 지지한 국민을 반국가단체 지지자로 규정하는 것이다. 과거 독일에서 공산당 해산심판이 청구되고 해산 결정이 이루어진 후 다시 독일공산당이 재건되기까지, 12만 5천여 명에 이르는 공산당 관련자가 수사를 받았고, 그 중 6천~7천 명이 형사처벌을 받았으며, 그 과정에서 직장에서 해고되는 등 사회 활동에 제약을 받는 문제가 발생하였던 것에 비추어 보면, 이 결정으로 우리 사회에서 그러한 일이 나타나지 않으리란 보장이 없다.

    - 피청구인 소속 당원들(이석기 등 내란 관련 사건의 관련자들) 중 북한의 대남혁명론에 동조하여 대한민국의 민주적 기본질서를 전복하려는 세력이 있다면, 형법이나 국가보안법 등을 통해 그 세력을 피청구인의 정책결정과정으로부터 효과적으로 배제할 수 있다. 그 세력 중 일부가 국회의원이고 그 지위를 활용하여 국가질서에 대한 공격적인 시도를 더욱 적극적으로 행하고 있다면, 국회는 이를 스스로 밝혀내어 자율적인 절차를 통해 그들을 제명할 수 있는 길도 열려 있다(헌법 제64조 제3항).

    - 정당해산제도는 비록 그 필요성이 인정된다고 하더라도 최대한 최후적이고 보충적인 용도로 활용되어야 하므로 정당해산 여부는 원칙적으로 정치적 공론(선거 등)의 장에 맡기는 것이 적절하며, 2014. 6. 4. 치러진 제6회 지방선거 결과(광역 비례대표 정당득표율 4.3%)와 최근 여론조사 결과에서도 알 수 있듯이 우리 사회의 정치적 공론 영역에서 피청구인에 대한 실효적인 비판과 논박이 이미 이루어지고 있습니다.

    - 위와 같은 사정들을 종합적으로 고려할 때, 피청구인에 대한 해산은 정당해산의 정당화사유로서의 비례원칙 준수라는 헌법상 요청을 충족시키지 못한다.

    - 따라서 이 사건 심판청구는 기각되어야 한다. 이는 피청구인의 문제점들에 대해 면죄부를 주고 피청구인을 옹호하기 위해서가 아니라, 바로 우리가 오랜 세월 피땀 흘려 어렵게 성취한 민주주의와 법치주의의 성과를 훼손하지 않기 위한 것이고, 또한 대한민국 헌정질서에 대한 의연한 신뢰를 천명하기 위한 것이며, 헌법정신의 본질을 수호하기 위한 것이다.


     

    선고 동영상:

     

    http://www.ccourt.go.kr/cckhome/kor/event/selectAdjuVideoList.do


    Press Release


    Dissolution of Unified Progressive Party
    (2013Hun-da1 Dissolution of Unified Progressive Party, 2013Hun-sa907 Motion for preliminary injunction of restriction on party activities]

     

    =================================[ Holding ] =================================

      The Constitutional Court of Korea on 19 December 2014 held that the respondent, the Unified Progressive Party, shall be dissolved and that Members of the National Assembly affiliated to the said party shall lose their seats, by a 8:1 majority vote. 
      The activities of the respondent party, which include assemblies tp discuss insurrection with the hidden objective of realizing North Korean style socialism, is in violation of the basic democratic order. In order to eliminate the specific danger of the respondent to cause substantial threat to society, there exists no less measure than to dissolve the said party. Therefore, the decision to dissolve the respondent party is not against the principle of proportionality. under the exceptional circumstances in which the Court decides to dissolve the unconstitutional political party, the status of the Members of the National Assembly as representatives of the people cannot but be sacrificed. The Court finds that the forfeiture of seats of the National Assembly members affiliated to the respondent party is a basic effect recognized by the essence of the system on dissolution of political parties.
      In contrast, the dissenting opinion of Justice Kim Yisu is that the requirements of the dissolution of a political party should be construed and applied strictly. There is no sufficient evidence on the concealed objectives of the respondent. The objectives of the respondent proclaimed by the platform of the political party including progressive democracy is not against the democratic order. Certain activities associated with insurrection by assemblies of the Kyounggi branch which is in violation of the democratic order cannot be attributed to the responsibility of the party. Other activities of the respondent also do not violate the basic democratic order.
      Meanwhile, the Court the dismissed the petitioner's motion for preliminary injunction of restriction on party activities.
     ==============================================================================

     

    ▣ Case Introduction and Subject Matter of Review

     

     ● Case Introduction
      - Petitioner on 5 November 2013 requested adjudication on dissolution of the respondent party and forfeiture of seats of the National Assembly members affiliated to the respondent party, alleging that the objectives and activities of the said party are against the basic democratic order.

     

     ● Subject Matter of Review
      - Whether the objectives or activities of the respondent party are against the basic democratic order.
      - Whether to order the dissolution of the respondent and whether seats of the National Assembly members affiliated to the respondent party shall be forfeited.

     

    ※ The objectives and activities of the Democratic Labor Party, which was succeeded by the respondent party, shall be used as material for judgment insofar as relevant to the objectives or activities of the respondent party. But the objectives and activities of the Democratic Labor Party itself is not subject to review in this case.   

     
    ▣ Summary of the Opinion

     

     ● Justiciability of the request- Justiciable
      - The Prime Minister shall act for the President when the President is abroad on official duty. Therefore the request for adjudication on dissolution of the  respondent party decided by the State Council chaired by the Prime Minister is not against the law.
      - Matters referred to the State Council for deliberation are subject to the deliberation of the council of vice Ministers, unless it is a matter of emergency.  The judgment on the emergency of the matter lies within the discretion of the government. The Court does not find that there was an abuse or misuse of discretionary power in deciding that the request for adjudication on dissolution of the respondent party was of an emergency nature, considering that prosecution on members of the National Assembly affiliated to the respondent party on charges of insurrection had been initiated. 

     

     ● Dissolution of a Political Party and its Requirements


      ○ Dissolution of a political party
        □ The dissolution of a political party should be understood as the normative will of the constituent power to guarantee the privilege of political parties, especially the activities of the opposing parties as critics of government. While this system recognizes the freedom of the political party regarding its activities, there also exists constitutional limits, that the activities of the political party may not violate the basic democratic order.  


      ○ Requirements to dissolve a political party
        □ Either one or both of the objectives or activities of the political party shall be in violation of the basic democratic order. 
        □ The 'basic democratic order' stipulated in Article 8 of the Constitution is premised upon the pluralistic view of the world which assumes respect for individual intellect and that all political ideals have verity and rationality. The 'basic democratic order' rejects violent or arbitrary rule. It is a political order constituted and operated by the basic principle of democratic decision making which respects the majority yet is considerate of the minority, and the basic principles of freedom and equality. 
        □ Political parties are entitled to freely pursue political ideals of a diverse spectrum as long as they do not deny the basic democratic order. 
        □ Violation of the basic democratic order does not merely mean a simple breach of or conflict with the basic democratic order. The objectives or activities of the party should incur specific danger to cause substantial threat to society.
        □ Enforced dissolution of political parties is a fundamental restriction on the freedom of activities of the political party, which is an essential political right. Therefore the principle of proportionality prescribed in Article 37 Section 2 of the Constitution must be satisfied.

     

     ● Whether the objectives or activities of the respondent party are against the basic democratic order

     

      ○ Objectives of the Respondent Party
        □ The platform of a political party is generally coded to be abstract and contains diverse meanings. Progressive democracy, which the respondent asserts as a guiding principle does not, in itself, hold specific contents.
        □ Progressive democracy was adopted into the platform of a political party by the 'Jaju'(translated as 'self reliance') faction of the party.
        □ The 'Jaju'(translated as 'self reliance') faction is affiliated to the so-called  National Liberation(NL) front. They understand our society as a semi- feudal or semi-capitalistic society subordinated to the imperialism of the United States and assert that a peoples' democratic revolution for national liberation is needed. They are distinguished from the People's Democracy (PD) front, or the 'equality faction', which understands our society as a neo-colonialistic, state monopolistic capitalism which needs to overcome the class-ruled system.
        □ The leading influence of the respondent, consisted of major members of the East Kyeongi Alliance, Gwangju Geonnam Alliance, Busan Ulsan Alliance, which pursue progressive democracy, and other party members who share the same political ideals are all affiliated to the 'Jaju'(translated as 'self reliance') faction. They have led the respondent party according to their principles in deciding important matters such as party officials. 
        □ The leading influence of the respondent, through proposing  'self-reliance·democracy·unification' in groups such as Democratic Revolution Party, Youngnam Committee, Silchoen Solidarity, Ilsimhoei, and Hanchung, have sympathized with the ideals of North Korea, followed the 'Juche' ideology of North Korea, and their activities have been in affiliation with North Korea. They have blindly supported North Korea while overly criticising the government in issues regarding North Korea. A majority of the respondent also attended assemblies led by Representative Lee Seokgi(on trial for charges related to insurrection) and have actively supported those charged. 
        □ The leading influence of the respondent see our society as pariah capitalism or colonialistic anti capitalism, subordinated to foreign powers.   They also see the free democratic system as a capitalist class regime where the privileged ruling class has seized power, have exploited and abused the people and substantially extorted the sovereignty of the people, resulting in a systematically unequal society. The leading influence of the respondent assert that in order to solve such contradictions of the free democratic system, we need to transform into a popular sovereignty. A prerequisite is national liberation, they argue, warranting a peoples' revolution for national liberation. The leading influence of the respondent has proposed progressive democracy as an interim government on the way to a stabilized socialistic system from a free democratic system. Meanwhile the leading influence of the respondent pursue unification in the federal system. After unification under a low level federal system, unified Korea is to head towards a socialist system via an interim progressive democratic system. 
        □ The leading influence of the respondent is under the awareness that our society is a backward society where only the privileged ruling class exercise sovereignty. In case mass struggle develops into an overall resistance where the right of resistance is exercised, they plan to seize power by overthrowing the free democratic system through violence including the use of armed forces and amend the Constitution to form a new progressive democratic system. The position of the leading influence of the respondent have been brought to life in the insurrection related trial of Representative Lee Seokgi.

     

      ○ Activities of the Respondent Party
        □ Attendees of the assemblies on insurrection etc. including Representative Lee Seokgi are major members of the East Kyeongi Alliance. They follow the 'Juche' ideology of North Korea and understand the current state of affairs as war. Under the leadership of Representative Lee Sukgi, they met to discuss ways to exercise methods of violence, such as destruction of key national infrastructure, production and seizure of weaponry, disruption of communication in case war breaks out, in order to support North Korea.  
        □ Considering the details of holding the assemblies, the status and role of the attendees in the respondent party, the assemblies being held by the leading influence of the respondent, the role of Representative Lee Seokgi, leader of the assemblies as leader of the East Kyeongi Alliance, the support and protection on the part of the respondent party regarding  Representative Lee Seokgi's insurrection related charges, the Court deems the aforementioned assemblies as attributable to the activities of the respondent party.
        □ Moreover, the illegitimate primary in selecting proportional representatives, the violent incident of the central committee, manipulation of public poll incident in Gwanak district constituency show that members of the respondent party sought to secure election of certain candidates through undemocratic and violent methods other than debate and voting of members. This corresponds to a vacating of the election system and damages the principle of democracy.

     

      ○ The real objectives and activities of the respondent
        □ The leading influence of the respondent aims to accomplish progressive democracy through violence, based on which they seek to achieve reunification and, ultimately, socialism. They are followers of North Korea, and the progressive democracy they pursue is overall the same or very similar to the North's revolutionary strategy against South Korea in almost all respects.
        □ The leading influence of the respondent advocates the positions of North Korea in pursuing revolution under the theory of people's democracy revolution and denies the legitimacy of the Republic of Korea as displayed by the acts of refusing the national anthem and not raising the national flag. Such tendency is clearly shown in the Lee Seokgi et al. insurrection related case. 
        □ Considering these circumstances and the fact that as the leading influence of the respondent has control over the respondent, their objectives and activities are attributed to the objectives and activities of the respondent,  the true objectives and activities of the respondent is first to realize the progressive democracy by using violence and ultimately to realize North Korean style socialism.

     

      ○ Whether the respondent's objectives or activities violate the basic democratic order
        □ The socialist regime of North Korea fundamentally contradicts South Korea's basic democratic order guaranteed by the Constitution in that it accepts the political line proposed by the Workers' Party of Korea as the absolute good. It pursues as the essence of governance the dictatorial style of people's democracy, in connection with the specific class line of the party, and the one person dictatorship on the basis of the leader theory. In this regard, it fundamentally contradicts with the basic democratic order under the Constitution. 
        □ The respondent argues that in order to realize progressive democracy, the free democratic regime can be overthrown by the exercise of violence including all-people's resistance or exercise of the right of resistance. This directly conflicts with the basic democratic order, which rejects any violent and arbitrary rule and adopts as the basic principle democratic decision making that respects the majority yet is considerate of minorities. 
        □ The activities of the respondent including insurrection attempts, illegitimate primary in selecting proportional representatives, violence in the central committee, manipulation of public poll incident in Gwanak district constituency deny the national existence, parliamentary system, rule of law, and election system in terms of substance. In terms of their means or nature, they are also contrary to the ideas of democracy since violence, hierarchy, etc. are actively used to serve their purpose.
        □ The respondent had an ulterior motive to achieve North Korean socialism and has been engaging in activities such as convening meetings to discuss insurrection, illegitimate primary in selecting proportional representatives, or violence in its central committee. These activities are highly likely to be repeated in similar circumstances. Furthermore, in light of the pro-North Korean character of the leading influence of the respondent, a number of activities of the respondent have exposed specific danger of substantial threat to the basic democratic order.  

     

      ○ Whether the principle of proportionality is satisfied
        □ The respondent has attempted to damage the basic democratic order in an active and organized manner thereby undermining and abolishing its foundation. Therefore it is necessary to dissolve the political party for the purpose of promptly removing the possible risk therein.
        □ It is also required to consider the unique situation of the Republic of Korea in which the country faces confrontation with North Korea, an anti-government force that is trying to overthrow the Korean government according to its revolutionary strategy against the South.
        □ Although criminal punishment can be imposed on individuals when they are convicted, punishment alone does not eliminate the unconstitutional nature of the entire political party. The leading influence of the respondent may still immediately establish and implement policies that are against the Constitution at any time. Therefore, there is no way other than to dissolve the political party in order to remove the risk inherent in the respondent that works, in the disguise of a legitimate political party, to destroy the basic democratic order while receiving considerable amounts of political subsidies funded by taxation.
        □ The importance and the interest of safeguarding the basic democratic order by dissolving the political party far outweighs the disadvantage given to the respondent through its dissolution, namely the fundamental restraint on the respondent's freedom to take part in political party activities or partial restriction on democracy.
        □ Consequently, the decision to dissolve the respondent is an inevitable solution to effectively remove the risk posed to the basic democratic order and is justified by Article 8 Section 4 of the Constitution. Therefore it does not violate the principle of proportionality.

     

     ● Whether seats of the National Assembly members affiliated to the respondent party shall be forfeited-forfeited

     

      ○  Representatives of the people and binding to the party
        Members of the National Assembly act as representatives of the people while also acting as representatives of the political party speaking for the political ideals thereof. Article 192 Section 4 of the Public Election Act stipulates that when proportional representatives desert form the register of the party for reasons other than dissolution of the party shall lose their seats in the National Assembly. This regulation is also construed that when a party dissolved voluntarily, the seats of proportional representatives are not to be lost. This appropriately harmonizes the conflict of member of the National Assembly who are representatives of the people and but also is binding to the political party.

     

      ○  Fundamental effect of dissolution of political party and forfeiture of seats in the National Assembly 
        □ The Court’s order to dissolve a political party on the basis of a judicial founding of unconstitutionality under strict scrutiny is derived from the view of defensive democracy to protect the Constitution. In this exceptional situation where the Court decides to dissolve the unconstitutional party, it is therefore inevitable that the status of the members of the National Assembly as representatives of the people should also be sacrificed. 
        □  If assemblymen who are the members of the unconstitutional political party to be dissolved keep their seats in the National Assembly, it would result in an actual continuation of the unconstitutional party by practically allowing activities representing and realizing unconstitutional political ideologies in the process of forming political opinions.  In this regard, allowing the assemblymen affiliated with the dissolved political party to retain their seats in the National Assembly runs afoul of the function of the dissolution of political party system, which is to protect the Constitution or to defend democracy. This will lead to a failure to secure effective execution of the Court’s decision to dissolve the party.        
        □ Therefore, the Court finds that forfeiture of seats of the National Assembly members affiliated to the political party dissolved by the Court’s decision is the fundamental effect derived from the essence of the system on  dissolution of unconstitutional political parties.       
     
    ◈ Summary of dissenting opinion by Justice Kim, YiSu
    ※  Justice Kim Yisu shares the same opinion with the majority regarding  justiciability of the request, meanings of the dissolution of political party system and requirements for dissolving a political party.
     
      ○  Calling for a strict construction and application of the requirements for dissolution of political party 
        □ In interpreting the requirements of the dissolution of a political party, the text should be restrictively and limitedly construed. In selecting data or grounds on which the objectives or activities of the party are to be judged, watertight scrutiny on its relation with the party is required. 
        □ As the data or grounds regarding the objectives or activities of political party are mostly related to expressive behavior, their meanings should be construed on the basis of interpretation methodology as objective and generally acceptable as possible. Also, there should be no logical error or leap in interpreting and applying the requirements of the dissolution of a political party. Although the fact that the respondent conceals ‘hidden objectives’ should be supported by strict and concrete evidence, the petitioner's argument preconditions it as a matter of course. 
        □ The respondent is a political party that has more than thirty thousand active members paying party membership fees. As such, the political stance indicated only by a very small portion of the party members should not be considered as the entire position of the respondent in the process of proving the political direction of the majority of the party. The premise that the ideals in violation of the basic democratic order possessed by only a small part of the members will be naturally shared by all other members of the party is an error of hasty generalization, erroneously applying to the whole what is only related to a part.         
        □ I doubt that the majority opinion has strictly interpreted and applied the requirements of dissolution of a political party in deciding that the objectives of the respondent mainly consisting of so-called “Jaju ”(or 'self-reliance') faction are to first realize progressive democracy with the use of violence and ultimately to realize North Korean-style socialism in this country. 
               
      ○  Objectives of the respondent- not in violation of the democratic basic order 
        □ On reviewing the platform of the respondent or other documents that actualize it, the respondent’s declaration that “the party aims to a set up an independent, self reliant democratic government with the initiative of the working people, and to realize a progressive democratic society in which the people become the real leaders of society as a whole including politics, economics and culture” seems to show the party’s will to realize actual democracy for the interests of working people, proletariat class and general public by overcoming contradictions in our society.
        □ The specific contents of progressive democracy proclaimed in the platform of the respondent are a selective accumulation of theories and policies the so-called progressive political groups have asserted and formulated for decades. It does not contain any ideas which contrast the basic democratic order. Moreover there is not sufficient evidence that the respondent adopted 'progressive democracy' as a prerequisite in pursuing North Korean style socialism.
        □ Meanwhile, although policies regarding North Korea of the “Jaju ”(or 'self-reliance') faction may be wide apart from mainstream society, and that they have pro-North Korean tendencies, there is no sufficient evidence to prove that they blindly support North Korea or pursue North Korean style socialism. During the process of the respondent succeeding the Democratic Labor Party, through splitting of the party, forming of a new party, and the second splitting of the party, respondent has reduced in number compared to the Democratic Labor Party. Supporters of the “Jaju ”(or 'self-reliance') faction has grown. However, it is difficult to see that only those among members of Democratic Labor Party who are pro North Korea remain in the respondent party.
         The Petitioner argues that remaining members of the Democratic Revolution Party seized the respondent. However, members of the respondent who are recognized as lower members or those related to the Democratic Revolution Party are only a handful who have been convicted or mentioned in the decision. There is no evidence supporting the allegation that former members of the Democratic Revolution Party led the decision making within the East Kyeongi Alliance, or that the East Kyeongi Alliance Gwangju Geonnam Alliance, Busan Ulsan Alliance shared or supported an ideology and that they operated in a unified and collective manner.
        □ Despite the fact that the respondent pursues a structural and radical change of society with the presumption that our problems of society are structural, the fact that the respondent advocates a change of established orders does not render its activities to be prohibited in a democratic society. The respondent’s political aims for a ‘society for the working group’ or ‘independent government free from foreign influence’ are based on traditional political philosophy that has been developed by various progressive parties in many countries. The ideas were not originally developed and advocated by the respondent. The respondent has presented negatives view on the existing political and economic order and suggested the seizure of power through the right of resistance, in addition to election, in exceptional situations where the constitutional order is substantially infringed. Nonetheless, there is no concrete evidence that the respondent aims for change through violence or unlawful means in violation of the democratic principles or aims to overthrow the basic democratic order.   
        □ As the respondent's party platform has socialist connotations and North Korea is, at least officially, a socialist state, it is natural for the respondent and North Korea to have similar political ideas.  It is simply a  one-dimensional interpretation to attribute such similarities to the  respondent following North Korea. In order to prevent discouragement of critical views against the government and political powers on the basis of vague suspicion of connection or sympathizing with North Korea, the mere similarity in political ideas should not be sufficient evidence of following North Korea.

     

      ○ Activities of the respondent- not in violation of the basic democratic order


        □ The statements of Lee Seokgi at meetings hosted by the East Kyeongi Alliance, a local subordinate organization of the respondent, on May 10, 2013 and May 12, 2013 contains the idea that the "Jaju"(translated as 'self reliance') faction of South Korea should form a union with the Jaju group of North Korea against the United States of America and attack national infrastructure, in case of war. This is clearly against the common ideas of the people, and when considering the possibility to repeat such meeting or to attempts, runs against the  basic democratic order. Nonetheless, the aforementioned activities of the respondent, is against the respondent's political programme that pursues nuclear free peace and independent peaceful unification. It is not sufficient to prove that the respondent advocates such activity or that the respondent's political programme is affected by the it. Therefore,  such activity cannot be attributed to the responsibility of the respondent. In other words, the aforementioned statement of Lee Seokgi and others are substantially different from the respondent's political programme; the attendees of the above meetings cannot be seen as dominating the entire respondent party; and there is no evidence the respondent has approved the recognize the above meetings or the aforementioned statement. consequently, the respondent party should not be held responsible for specific activities regarding the above meetings or the aforementioned statement of which a violation of the basic democratic order is questioned.


        □ It is recognized that several activities of members of the respondent, including the illegitimate primary in selecting proportional representatives, the violent incident of the central committee, manipulation of public poll regarding the unification of the opposition party, violate democracy within the party. They did not respect the democratic decision making principles  and break the positive laws. Nevertheless, it does not prove that the respondent engaged in such activities in a systematic, calculated, aggressive and continuous manner in order to pursue objectives against the basic democratic orders.


        □ With the exception of the above-mentioned activities, the respondent has engaged in normal political activities as other political parties. Also we have resolved sporadic election corruption or crimes of party-related person with criminal punishment against the individual and political responsibility of the party. Considering these facts, the above-mentioned activities are not sufficient to be seen as being based on the respondent's political programme or substantially influencing the respondent's political objectives, and therefore posing a specific danger to cause substantial threat to basic democratic order. 


        □ Moreover, it is not proved that the respondent actively and intentionally appointed persons previously convicted for violating the National Security Act in pursuit of objectives violating the basic democratic order.


        □ Therefore, the respondent's activities do not violate the basic democratic order.

     

      ○ Whether the Principle of Proportionality is satisfied- the need for dissolution not recognized


        □ The social benefits achieved by the dissolution of the respondent party would not be substantial in the ordinary sense. In contrast, the social disadvantages occurred by the dissolution of the respondent is significant enough to exercise negative influence on the proper function of the democratic principle. The mandatory dissolution of a political party is a substantial restriction on the freedom of political party and freedom of political association that are the most essential factors of a democratic system. The dissolution of the respondent would impair the diversity of ideas that should be encouraged and protected in our society. Especially, it may lead to a chilling effect on the political freedom of minorities. Further, the dissolution of the respondent may exercise a severe influence on the true integration and stability of our society.
        □ From the days of the Democratic Labor Party, in cannot be denied that the respondent has brought about change in our society by proposing various progressive policies. This may have been a good reason for many members of the respondent to join the respondent party. If the respondent is dissolved because of the unlawful activities of some members, including Lee Seokgi, it would distort the political ideas of the majority of the respondent advocating its progressive policy and activity (the respondent has more than 100 thousands members) and impose a labeling effect by declaring them to be members of an unconstitutional political party. The respondent would become an anti-government organization; the entire members of the respondent would become members of the anti-government organization; and the people advocating the respondent would become the supporter of the anti-government organization. Consider the case of  Germany: The dissolution of the communist party was requested by government and between the decision of dissolution and the reconstruction of the communist party, nearly 125,000 party related people were investigated, 6~7,000 people prosecuted and many experienced restrictions in social activity, including layoffs. The same may also happen in this society upon the dissolution decision.
        □ If there are forces among the respondent (those involved in the insurrection case including Lee Seokgi) who sympathize with the North's revolutionary theory against South Korea and try to subvert the basic democratic order of South Korea, they can be effectively excluded from the respondent's policy-making through the Criminal Act, National Security Act, etc. If some of them are National Assembly members and are using that status to make more aggressive attempts at hurting the national order, there is a way for the National Assembly to uncover the facts in its own initiative and expel them through autonomous procedures (Article 64 Section 3 of the Constitution). 
        □ Although the dissolution of political parties system has good grounds for its existence, it should be used as a final and supplementary means.  Whether to dissolve a political party should in principle be tabled in the political public sphere (such as elections). As seen in the results of the sixth local election on June 4, 2014 (respondent won 4.3 percent for proportional representation in metropolitan councils) and recent opinion polls, the respondent is already subject to effective criticism and refutation in the political public arena.
        □ Given all the circumstances above, dissolving the respondent does not meet the constitutional request for the observance of the proportionality principle as the grounds to justify the dissolution of a political party.
        □ Therefore, this case should be rejected. This is not to give immunity for the problems caused by the respondent and to defend them. It is to prevent the undermining of hard-earned democracy and the rule of law achieved after so many years. It is to declare our firm trust in the constitutional order of the Republic of Korea, and to safeguard the essence of the spirit of the Constitution.


    출처:

    http://www.ccourt.go.kr/cckhome/comn/event/eventSearchTotalInfo.do?changeEventNo=2013%ED%97%8C%EB%8B%A41&viewType=3&searchType=1

    http://www.ccourt.go.kr/cckhome/kor/ccourt/pressrelease/selectPressreleaseList.do 홈 > 함께하는 헌법재판소 > 보도자료

    http://www.ccourt.go.kr/cckhome/kor/event/selectAdjuVideoList.do 홈 > 최근선고.변론사건 > 선고사건 > 선고동영상 > 2014. 12. 19. 선고

    http://english.ccourt.go.kr/cckhome/eng/introduction/news/newsList.do Home > Introduction > News

    http://news.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/2014/12/22/2014122201323.html?news_topR

    General Assembly decides to refer UN report on human rights in DPR Korea to Security Council

    UN 총회, DPRK에서의 인권에 관한 UN 보고서를 안보리에 회부하기로 결정

     

    18 December 2014 – Condemning “ongoing systematic, widespread and gross violations of human rights” in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), the United Nations General Assembly adopted a resolution today by which it would transmit a UN-backed report probing such violations to the Security Council.

    The 400-page report was released in February by the UN Commission of Inquiry on human rights in the DPRK, which was established by the Geneva-based Human Rights Council in March 2013. Documenting in great detail the rights violations committed in the DPRK, the report called for urgent action to address the human rights situation, including referral to the International Criminal Court (ICC).

    The resolution adopted today by the General Assembly, acting on the recommendations of its Third Committee (the Assembly’s main body dealing with social, humanitarian and cultural issues) commends the work the Special Rapporteur on human rights in the DPRK and the Commission of Inquiry and decides that the commission’s report should be submitted to the Security Council.

    The Assembly encouraged Council members to take appropriate action to ensure accountability, including through consideration of referral of the situation to the ICC and of targeted sanctions against those appearing most responsible for crimes against humanity.

    The Assembly resolution, adopted by a recorded vote of 116 in favour to 20 against, with 53 abstentions, lists examples of torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, describes a system of political prison camps, the forcible transfer of populations and limitations on movement, as well as violations of rights fundamental freedoms of women, children, and persons with disabilities.

    The Assembly expressed its concern that the DPRK Government refuses to recognize the Special Rapporteur’s mandate or to cooperate, continuing not to acknowledge the grave human rights situation in the country, and failing to prosecute those responsible for violations, including those that may amount to crimes against humanity.

    Strongly urging the Government of the DPRK to respect human rights and fundamental freedoms, it urges implementation of the commission’s recommendations without delay. It also welcomes the recent willingness expressed by the Government to consider human rights dialogues, technical cooperation with the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and a country visit of the Special Rapporteur.


    Source: http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=49648&Cr=&Cr1=#.VJR6BBeMJs

    Resolutions

     

    결의

     

    A/RES/69/1-A/RES/69/...
     

    Resolution No.

     

     결의안 번호

    Plenary or Cttee.

     

     본회의 또는 위원회

    Agenda Item No.

     

     의제 안건 번호

    Meeting Record/ Date/ Press Release/ Vote

     

    회의기록/일자/보도자료/표결

    Draft

     

    초안

    Topic

     

    주제

    A/RES/69/188

    C.3

    68 (c)

    A/69/PV.73

    A/69/488/Add.3 DR I

    Situation of human rights in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea

     

    조선민주주의인민공화국에서의 인권상황

    18 December 2014

    GA/11604

    116-20-53

     

     

    A/69/PV.73

    2014. 12. 18.

    GA/11604

     

    찬성 116표/반대 20표/기권 53표


    General Assembly

    69th Session - 73rd Plenary Meeting

     

    18 December 2014

     

     

    UN 총회

    제69차 회기 - 제73차 본회의

     

    2014. 12. 18.

     

    http://webtv.un.org/meetings-events/general-assembly/watch/general-assembly-73rd-plenary-meeting-69th-session/3951343975001

     

     

    [Excerpts/발췌]

    http://www.unmultimedia.org/tv/unifeed/2014/12/un-dprk-15

     

    The UN General assembly today voted to ask the UN Security Council to refer the human rights situation in the People's Democratic Republic of Korea (DPRK) to the International Criminal Court.


    [Third Committee's Report to the Plenary/본회의에 제출하는 제3위원회 보고서]

     

     

    A/69/488/Add.3

    Item 68 (c):
    Human rights situations and reports of special rapporteurs and representatives

     

    United Nations

     

    A/69/488/Add.3

    General Assembly

     

    Distr.: General

    3 December 2014

     

    Original: English

     

     

     

     

    Sixty-ninth session

    Agenda item 68 (c)

     

     

     

     

     


             *  The report of the Committee on this item is being issued in five parts, under the symbol A/69/488 and Add.1-4.

                     

     

     

    Promotion and protection of human rights: human

    rights situations and reports of special rapporteurs

    and representatives

     

     

    Report of the Third Committee*

     

     

    Rapporteur: Mr. Ervin Nina (Albania)

     

    II. Consideration of proposals

     

     

                 A.    Draft resolutions A/C.3/69/L.28 and Rev.1 and amendment thereto contained in document A/C.3/69/L.63

     

     

    8.       At the 42nd meeting, on 6 November, the representative of Italy, on behalf of Albania, Andorra, Australia, Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Canada, Chile, Croatia, Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Japan, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Micronesia (Federated States of), Montenegro, the Netherlands, Norway, Panama, Poland, Portugal, the Republic of Korea, the Republic of Moldova, Romania, San Marino, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Turkey, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the United States of America, introduced a draft resolution entitled “Situation of human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea” (A/C.3/69/L.28). Subsequently, Bosnia and Herzegovina joined in sponsoring the draft resolution.

    9.       At its 46th meeting, on 18 November, the Committee had before it a revised draft resolution (A/C.3/69/L.28/Rev.1), submitted by the sponsors of draft resolution A/C.3/69/L.28, as well as Botswana, Kiribati, Monaco, Palau, Seychelles, Tuvalu, Ukraine, Uruguay and Vanuatu.

    10.    At the same meeting, the representative of Italy made a statement and announced that Maldives, the Marshall Islands, New Zealand and Serbia had joined in sponsoring the draft resolution.

     

                               Action on the amendment contained in document A/C.3/69/L.63

     

    11.     At the 46th meeting, on 18 November, the Chair drew the attention of the Committee to the amendment submitted to draft resolution A/C.3/69/L.28/Rev.1, as contained in document A/C.3/69/L.63.

    12.    At the same meeting, the representative of Cuba made a statement and orally revised the amendment (see A/C.3/69/SR.46).

    13.    The representatives of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, China, Japan, Belarus, the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, the Russian Federation and South Africa made statements in connection with the amendment, as orally revised.

    14.    The representative of Italy also made a statement, in which he requested a recorded vote on the amendment, as orally revised.

    15.    At the same meeting, the Committee rejected the amendment contained in document A/C.3/69/L.63, as orally revised, by a recorded vote of 77 to 40, with
    50 abstentions. The voting was as follows:

    In favour:

              Algeria, Antigua and Barbuda, Bahamas, Belarus, Bolivia (Plurinational State of), Burundi, China, Cuba, Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Eritrea, Haiti, India, Indonesia, Iran (Islamic Republic of), Kyrgyzstan, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Myanmar, Namibia, Nepal, Niger, Pakistan, Russian Federation, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Solomon Islands, South Africa, South Sudan, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Suriname, Syrian Arab Republic, Thailand, Turkmenistan, Uganda, Venezuela (Bolivarian Republic of), Viet Nam, Zimbabwe.

    Against:

              Afghanistan, Albania, Andorra, Australia, Austria, Belgium, Benin, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Botswana, Bulgaria, Burkina Faso, Cabo Verde, Canada, Chile, Costa Rica, Côte d’Ivoire, Croatia, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Georgia, Germany, Greece, Honduras, Hungary, Iceland, Iraq, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Japan, Jordan, Kiribati, Latvia, Liberia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Maldives, Malta, Marshall Islands, Mexico, Micronesia (Federated States of), Monaco, Montenegro, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Palau, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Poland, Portugal, Republic of Korea, Republic of Moldova, Romania, Samoa, San Marino, Saudi Arabia, Serbia, Slovakia, Slovenia, Somalia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Turkey, Ukraine, United Arab Emirates, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of America.

    Abstaining:

              Angola, Argentina, Armenia, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Barbados, Belize, Bhutan, Brazil, Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Central African Republic, Chad, Colombia, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Dominican Republic, Ethiopia, Fiji, Gabon, Gambia, Grenada, Guatemala, Guinea, Guyana, Jamaica, Kazakhstan, Kenya, Kuwait, Lebanon, Lesotho, Malaysia, Mali, Mauritania, Mauritius, Morocco, Mozambique, Nauru, Nicaragua, Nigeria, Oman, Papua New Guinea, Qatar, Rwanda, Seychelles, Singapore, Trinidad and Tobago, Tunisia, United Republic of Tanzania, Yemen, Zambia.

    16.    Before the vote, statements were made by the representatives of Italy, Japan, the Islamic Republic of Iran, the United States of America, Albania, Switzerland (on behalf also of Australia, Austria, Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway) and Ecuador; after the vote, a statement was made by the representative of Uruguay (see A/C.3/69/SR.46).

     

                               Action on draft resolution A/C.3/69/L.28/Rev.1

     

    17.    At the 47th meeting, on 18 November, the representative of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea made a statement and requested a recorded vote on the draft resolution.

    18.    At the same meeting, the Committee adopted draft resolution A/C.3/69/L.28/Rev.1 by a recorded vote of 111 to 19, with 55 abstentions (see para. 36, draft resolution I). The voting was as follows:[1]

    In favour:

              Afghanistan, Albania, Andorra, Argentina, Armenia, Australia, Austria, Bahamas, Bahrain, Barbados, Belgium, Belize, Benin, Bhutan, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Botswana, Brazil, Bulgaria, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cabo Verde, Canada, Central African Republic, Chad, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Côte d’Ivoire, Croatia, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Djibouti, Estonia, Finland, France, Georgia, Germany, Ghana, Greece, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Hungary, Iceland, Iraq, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Jamaica, Japan, Jordan, Kazakhstan, Kiribati, Latvia, Lebanon, Liberia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Madagascar, Malawi, Maldives, Malta, Marshall Islands, Mauritius, Mexico, Micronesia (Federated States of), Monaco, Montenegro, Morocco, Nauru, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Palau, Panama, Papua New Guinea, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Poland, Portugal, Republic of Korea, Republic of Moldova, Romania, Rwanda, Samoa, San Marino, Serbia, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, Slovakia, Slovenia, Somalia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Tajikistan, Thailand, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Timor-Leste, Tunisia, Turkey, Tuvalu, Ukraine, United Arab Emirates, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of America, Uruguay, Vanuatu.

    Against:

              Belarus, Bolivia (Plurinational State of), China, Cuba, Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, Ecuador, Egypt, Iran (Islamic Republic of), Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Myanmar, Oman, Russian Federation, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Syrian Arab Republic, Uzbekistan, Venezuela (Bolivarian Republic of),
    Viet Nam, Zimbabwe.

    Abstaining:

              Algeria, Angola, Antigua and Barbuda, Bangladesh, Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Cameroon, Comoros, Congo, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Fiji, Gabon, Gambia, Grenada, Guinea, Guyana, India, Indonesia, Kenya, Kuwait, Kyrgyzstan, Lesotho, Libya, Malaysia, Mali, Mauritania, Mozambique, Namibia, Nepal, Nicaragua, Niger, Nigeria, Pakistan, Qatar, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Singapore, Solomon Islands, South Africa, South Sudan, Suriname, Togo, Trinidad and Tobago, Turkmenistan, Uganda, United Republic of Tanzania, Yemen, Zambia.

    19.    Before the vote, statements were made by the representatives of Japan, the Syrian Arab Republic, the Islamic Republic of Iran, Cuba, Belarus, the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela and Ecuador; after the vote, statements were made by the representatives of India, Pakistan, Indonesia, Myanmar, Thailand, Zimbabwe, Malaysia, Brazil, the Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Viet Nam, Singapore, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Norway (see A/C.3/69/SR.47).



             [1]           Subsequently, the delegation of Grenada indicated that it had intended to vote in favour.

     

    (...)

     

    III. Recommendations of the Third Committee

     

     

    36.    The Third Committee recommends to the General Assembly the adoption of the following draft resolutions:

     

     

                         Draft resolution I

                         Situation of human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic

    of Korea

    (...)


    [Meetings Coverage and Press Releases/회의취재 및 보도자료]

     

    18 December 2014

     

    GA/11604

    Adopting 68 Texts Recommended by Third Committee, General Assembly Sends Strong Message towards Ending Impunity, Renewing Efforts to Protect Human Rights

    Sixty-ninth session,
    73rd & 74th Meetings (AM & PM)

     

    Sending a strong message to end impunity and to renew efforts to promote and protect human rights, especially for vulnerable groups, the General Assembly adopted 61 resolutions and seven decisions recommended by its Third Committee (Social, Humanitarian and Cultural) while deferring action on one draft resolution on the situation of human rights in Myanmar pending the issuance of budget implications.

    (...)

    Recorded votes were requested on a number of drafts, reflecting varying views on a range of topics, including albinism, the right to development and the use of mercenaries.  Among those texts tabled for a vote was a landmark resolution on the human rights situation in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.  By that text, adopted by a recorded vote of 116 in favour to 20 against, with 53 abstentions, the Assembly, for the first time, decided to submit the Special Rapporteur’s report on that country to the Security Council.  Also by the text, the Assembly encouraged the Council to take appropriate action to ensure accountability, including through consideration of referral of the situation in that country to the International Criminal Court and consideration of the scope for effective targeted sanctions against those who appeared to be most responsible for acts that the Commission of Inquiry had said could possibly constitute crimes against humanity.

    As in previous years, delegates had differing views on such special rapporteur reports and draft resolutions on specific countries.  Some speakers said the double standards and selectivity of so-called country-specific reports violated human rights and even threatened the right to self-determination.  Some said dialogue was the only way to effectively address human rights concerns.

    Explanations of position came from a number of delegations, including those whose countries were the subject of draft resolutions.  The representative of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea said his delegation had rejected the draft resolution on the human rights situation in his country because, in part, it was politically driven and failed to reflect the reality on the ground.  Commenting on the draft text on his country, passed by a vote of 83 in favour to 35 against, with 68 abstentions, Iran’s representative said such reports and draft resolutions were unfairly targeting States.

     

    (...)

     

    Background

    The General Assembly met this morning to take action on draft resolutions and decisions contained in reports of its Third Committee (Social, Humanitarian and Cultural).

     

    (...)

     

    Opening Statement

     

    (...)

     

    Introduction of Reports

    ERVIN NINA (Albania), Rapporteur of the Third Committee, introduced its reports as follows:

    (...)

    He also presented the Committee’s reports on human rights questions, including alternative approaches for improving the effective enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms (document A/69/488/Add.2); human rights situations and reports of special rapporteurs and representatives (document A/69/488.Add.3);

    (...)

     

    Action on Draft Resolutions

    (...)

    The Assembly then turned to the Third Committee’s report Human rights situations and reports of special rapporteurs and representatives (document A/69/488/Add.3), containing four draft resolutions covering the situation of human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, Syria, Myanmar and Iran.  It deferred consideration of a draft resolution on the situation of human rights in Myanmar until the issuance of the pertinent Fifth Committee report.

    Speaking in explanation of vote before the votes, the representative of the United Arab Emirates stated that his country was one of the co-sponsors of the resolution on human rights in Syria because it was necessary to put an end to the human rights violations, including killings and arbitrary detentions, suffered by “the brotherly people of Syria”.

    Also speaking in explanation of position before the votes, the representative of Syria said that his delegation opposed the draft resolution which criticized the human rights situation in his country.  Some regimes were feeding the violence in Syria.  They were not content with arming terrorist groups; they were establishing military training camps.  Saudi Arabia was the main cause of religious hatred in the region.  The Qatari regime had also provided millions of dollars to terrorist organizations.  The report’s criticism was paradoxical given the violations against women and minorities in those and other States.  He urged all countries to reconsider their positions and vote against the text.

    Also speaking in explanation of position before the votes, the representative of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea said that his delegation rejected the draft resolution on human rights situation in his country, because it was “the product of a political plot”.  The European Union and Japan had drafted the text based on the fabricated report of the Commission of Enquiry, which had never visited the country.  They had blocked all possibilities for dialogue and cooperation by forcibly pushing the adoption of the resolution.  Their intention was not the promotion of human rights, but sycophancy and subservience to the United States, which had conducted shocking violations as evidenced by the Central Intelligence Agency torture crimes.

    The representative of Iran, in explanation of position before the votes, said that the draft resolution on human rights situation in his country was “political, prejudicial and unbalanced.”  It ignored the fact that Iranian society was a vibrant and multi-voiced society.  It also failed to acknowledge the positive developments in Iran since the beginning of the new Government’s tenure and the constant readiness of the Iranian Government to cooperate with the United Nations human rights mechanisms.  Country-specific resolutions, such as the one before the Assembly, were counterproductive because they increased distrust and damaged the Organization’s credibility.

    In explanation of position before the votes, the representative of Cuba said that her country had always opposed country-specific resolutions in the Third Committee because they were politically motivated and contributed nothing to the promotion of human rights.  The Human Rights Council and the Universal Period Review mechanism were the forums in which the human rights situations of all countries should be considered on an equal footing.  The resolution on the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea had created a dangerous precedent that threatened the right to self-determination of States.  By referring the issue to the Security Council and the International Criminal Court, the text promoted the sanctioning of countries.

    The representative of Algeria, also speaking in explanation of position before the votes, voiced regret at the continued double standards in the proliferation of country-specific resolutions.  Differences on human rights should be resolved through dialogue, not confrontation.  The General Assembly should adopt a new approach that promoted technical cooperation, dialogue and transparency.  Selective resolutions that targeted specific countries undermined the mandate of the Human Rights Council.

    In explanation of position before the votes, the representative of Papua New Guinea said that the international community had agreed on the notion that the Human Rights Council had and should continue to underpin the development of human rights.  The Universal Periodic Review process had been an important catalyst in that process around the world.  Papua New Guinea had had three special rapporteurs visit the country to report on various human rights issues.  While the country had not agreed with every aspect of the reports, it had welcomed the scrutiny.  He called on Iran and other countries to allow rapporteurs to visit.  In view of that, his delegation would abstain on the resolution related to Iran.

    Also speaking in explanation of vote before the votes, the representative of Saudi Arabia said that the delegate of Syria had referred to his country.  The General Assembly Chair requested that he wait to exercise his right of reply until the end of the consideration of the draft resolutions.

    The Assembly then adopted, by a recorded vote of 116 in favour to 20 against, with 53 abstentions, a draft titled “Situation of human rights in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea”.

    Also by a recorded vote of 127 in favour to 13 against, with 48 abstentions, it adopted a text titled “Situation of human rights in the Syrian Arab Republic”.

    In another recorded vote — 83 in favour to 35 against, with 68 abstentions — the Assembly adopted a draft titled “Situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran”.

    In explanation of position after adoption, the representative of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea thanked the delegations that had voted against the resolution regarding his country and stated that the United States was viciously attempting to destroy his nation’s ideology and system.  In the light of that dangerous campaign undertaken, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea would continue to uphold its pride and honour in its socialist system and would do its utmost to defend it.

    The representative of El Salvador, also in explanation of position after adoption, said that his delegation had agreed with the text of the draft resolution on the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea that had been originally presented, with the exception of paragraph 8.  For constitutional and legal reasons, he noted that he could not support the language in that paragraph.  Given the results of voting on the amendment that would have changed that language, and given that co-sponsoring countries had included elements for more “rapprochement”, he said that his delegation had changed its position and had decided to vote for the resolution.  However, he emphasized that his country was not currently a party to the Rome Statute, and therefore, its vote in favour of the resolution should not be considered as in any way a change of position on that.

    Costa Rica’s representative, in explanation of position after the action, said that country-specific assessments should be undertaken and that the Human Rights Council was the forum in which those situations should be discussed and examined.  Furthermore, the Universal Periodic Review was the appropriate mechanism with which to examine human rights.  Cooperation and constructive dialogue and other mechanisms should continue to be part of the way human rights were promoted and protected.

    In explanation of position, Sri Lanka’s representative said he had voted against the draft text on the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.  He urged that Government to take action to address concerns.  “Name and shame” resolutions were unproductive, he said, adding that a cooperative approach had been proposed, but had not been supported.  The draft text’s reference to encouraging the Security Council’s referral of the issue to the International Criminal Court was “unacceptable”.

     

    Right of Reply

    (...)

     

    Action on Draft Resolutions

    (...)


    [Voting Record/표결 기록]

     

    http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/69/PV.73

     

    A/69/PV.73

     

    General Assembly
    Sixty-ninth session
    73rd plenary meeting
     

    Thursday, 18 December 2014, 10 a.m.

     

    New York

     

    (...)

     

    (c) Human rights situations and reports of special rapporteurs and representatives


    Report of the Third Committee (A/69/488/Add.3)


    The Acting President: The Assembly has before it four draft resolutions recommended by the Third Committee in paragraph 36 of its report.
    Before proceeding further, I should like to inform members that action on draft resolution III, entitled “Situation of human rights in Myanmar”, is postponed to a later date to allow time for the review of its programme budget implications by the Fifth Committee. The Assembly will take action on draft resolution III as soon as the report of the Fifth Committee on its programme budget implications is available.
    I shall now give the floor to representatives who wish to speak in explanation of vote or position on draft resolutions I, II or IV before we take action on the draft resolutions.

     

    (...)

     

    Mr. An Myong Hun (Democratic People’s Republic of Korea): My delegation would like to state its position on draft resolution I, entitled “Situation of human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea”, as contained in document A/69/488/Add.3, which was submitted by the European Union (EU) and Japan.

    My delegation totally rejects this draft resolution because it has nothing to do with the promotion and protection of human rights, but is the product of a political plot and confrontation against the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. The European Union and Japan drafted the draft resolution on the basis of a fabricated report of the Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (A/HRC/25/63), whose members have never been in my country. Let me once again make it clear that the report of the Commission of Inquiry is a document born of a political plot and has no basic attributes or credibility to be recognized as a General Assembly document, as it is based on the fabricated testimonies of a handful of defectors who committed crimes and fled their homeland.

     

    We have consistently maintained our position of countering confrontation and giving priority to dialogue and cooperation in the field of human rights, and we have also clarified our willingness to engage in broad-ranging constructive dialogue. However, the European Union and Japan completely blocked all possibilities of cooperation in the field of human rights, including a visit to the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea by a Special Rapporteur and a human rights dialogue between the EU and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, by forcibly pushing the adoption of the draft resolution, which does not reflect the reality on the ground. Consequently, the European Union and Japan themselves disclosed that their real intention in submitting a draft resolution was not for the genuine promotion and protection of human rights, but purely as an act of subservience and sycophancy in support of the hostile policy of the United States against the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea to overthrow our political and social system.

     

    If countries sponsoring draft resolution I are really interested in the promotion and protection of human rights, they should address the issue of the grave human rights violations being committed in Western countries, such as the recently revealed Central Intelligence Agency’s crimes of torture committed by the United States in the most brutal and shocking manner. My delegation remains consistent with regard to its principled position of holding a dialogue on cooperation in the field of human rights. However, this delegation will not tolerate any attempt to abuse human rights issues as a tool for overthrowing our social system.

     

    Once again, my delegation emphasizes that we strongly reject all the country-specific draft resolutions — not only draft resolution I against my country, but also draft resolutions on the situation of human right in the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Syrian Arab Republic and Myanmar. My delegation firmly believes that all countries will vote against the draft resolution sponsored by the EU and Japan, in line with the principles and universally accepted position to oppose politicization, selectivity and double standards over human rights.

     

    (...)

     

    Mrs. Moreno Guerra (Cuba) (spoke in Spanish): Cuba has traditionally maintained a principled position against country-specific draft resolutions that aim to condemn developing countries based on politically motivated reasons that have nothing to do with defending human rights and that contribute nothing to that cause. These toxic and selective practices of politicization and applying double standards in the consideration of situations of human rights were the reason that led to the discrediting and dissolution of the Human Rights Commission. The establishment of the Human Rights Council and its Universal Periodic Review mechanism offer the possibility to consider situations of human rights issues in all countries on an equal footing, based on genuine and constructive dialogue.

     

    Cuba would like to reiterate that international cooperation based on the principles of objectivity, unconditionality, impartiality and non-selectivity is the only way to effectively promote and protect all human rights. Unfortunately, that is not the goal being pursued today with the draft resolutions against these countries, which are clearly and undoubtedly politically motivated.

     

    With regard to the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, a dangerous precedent has been established that violates the rights of sovereignty and self-determination of States in referring the issue to the Security Council and, subsequently, to the International Criminal Court. That has a significant negative impact in that it irresponsibly promotes punishment and sanctions on the basis of allegations that have not been proved on the ground. We reiterate that these actions are contradictory to the atmosphere of cooperation and dialogue that is needed in order to strengthen an international system in which all are respected on an equal footing, independently of their wealth or power.

    Cuba has roundly opposed country-specific draft resolutions, both in the Third Committee and in the Human Rights Council. In that spirit, we will continue to vote against draft resolutions on the human rights situations in friendly countries, and to disassociate ourselves from the consensus on draft resolutions that are not normally subject to a vote.

    We would like to indicate that opposition to these selective and politicized draft resolutions do not prejudge in any way the resolution of the pending issues mentioned in paragraph 3 of the draft resolution, which require a fair and honourable solution with the agreement of all stakeholders.

     

    Ms. Mansouri (Algeria): My delegation would like to explain its position before the Assembly takes action on the draft resolutions on the situation of human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (draft resolution I), the Syrian Arab Republic (draft resolution II) and the Islamic Republic of Iran (draft resolution IV), as contained in the report of the Third Committee (A/69/488/Add.3).


    My delegation regrets the continued selectivity, double standards, politicization and proliferation of country-specific draft resolutions, as previously highlighted during the ministerial meeting of the Non-Aligned Movement held in Algiers in May. My delegation strongly believes that differences on human rights issues should be resolved through constructive dialogue, and not through confrontational, politically motivated action. Indeed, practice has demonstrated that country-specific draft resolutions have not contributed to the improvement of human rights situations. They only jeopardize trust and provoke confrontation among Member States by ignoring the principle of impartiality, which should govern human rights situations and mechanisms.


    The Assembly should adopt a new cooperative approach to the consideration of human rights in those countries that enables the establishment of dialogue and the development of technical cooperation between the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and the countries concerned in a transparent, fair and equal manner. Moreover, the Universal Periodic Review mechanism should be considered as the primary tool for considering human rights issues, and such discussions should take place in an atmosphere of constructive dialogue within the Human Rights Council. The continued submission of selective draft resolutions that target specific countries is a violation of the principle of universality and objectivity and undermines the mandate of the Human Rights Council. For those reasons, my delegation will abstain in the voting on all country-specific draft resolutions.

     

    (...)

     

    The Acting President: We will now take decisions on draft resolutions I, II and IV, one by one.


    We turn first to draft resolution I, entitled “Situation of human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea”. A recorded vote has been requested.

     

    A recorded vote was taken.

     

    In favour:

    Afghanistan, Albania, Andorra, Argentina, Armenia, Australia, Austria, Bahamas, Bahrain, Barbados, Belgium, Belize, Benin, Bhutan, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Botswana, Brazil, Bulgaria, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cabo Verde, Canada, Central African Republic, Chad, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Côte d’Ivoire, Croatia, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Djibouti, Dominica, El Salvador, Estonia, Finland, France, Georgia, Germany, Ghana, Greece, Grenada, Guatemala, Guinea-Bissau, Haiti, Honduras, Hungary, Iceland, Iraq, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Jamaica, Japan, Jordan, Kazakhstan, Kiribati, Latvia, Lebanon, Liberia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Madagascar, Malawi, Maldives, Malta, Marshall Islands, Mauritius, Mexico, Micronesia (Federated States of), Monaco, Montenegro, Morocco, Nauru, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Palau, Panama, Papua New Guinea, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Poland, Portugal, Republic of Korea, Republic of Moldova, Romania, Rwanda, Samoa, San Marino, Sao Tome and Principe, Serbia, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, Slovakia, Slovenia, Somalia, South Sudan, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Thailand, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Timor-Leste, Tunisia, Turkey, Tuvalu, Ukraine, United Arab Emirates, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of America, Uruguay, Vanuatu

     

    Against:

    Belarus, Bolivia (Plurinational State of), China, Cuba, Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, Ecuador, Egypt, Gambia, Iran (Islamic Republic of), Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Myanmar, Oman, Russian Federation, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Syrian Arab Republic, Uzbekistan, Venezuela (Bolivarian Republic of), Viet Nam, Zimbabwe

     

    Abstaining:

    Algeria, Angola, Antigua and Barbuda, Bangladesh, Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Cameroon, Comoros, Congo, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Dominican Republic, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Fiji, Gabon, Guinea, Guyana, India, Indonesia, Kenya, Kuwait, Kyrgyzstan, Lesotho, Libya, Malaysia, Mali, Mauritania, Mozambique, Namibia, Nepal, Nicaragua, Niger, Nigeria, Pakistan, Qatar, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Singapore, Solomon Islands, South Africa, Suriname, Tajikistan, Togo, Tonga, Trinidad and Tobago, Turkmenistan, Uganda, United Republic of Tanzania, Yemen, Zambia

     

    Draft resolution I was adopted by 116 votes to 20, with 53 abstentions (resolution 69/188).

     

    (...)

     

    The Acting President: I shall now give the floor to delegations that wish to speak in explanation of vote following the voting.

     

    Mr. An Mayong Hun (Democratic People’s Republic of Korea): The delegation of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea would like to express its thanks to those delegations that voted against resolution 69/188. My delegation again fully rejects this forcibly adopted resolution against my country. The resolution proves once again that the United States and its followers are ever more viciously resorting to their plot to defame our image and destroy our ideology and system under the pretext of human rights. In the light of the increasingly dangerous human rights campaigns undertaken by hostile forces against the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, we will keep in our hearts the pride and honour of the socialist system, which was chosen as being consolidated and developed by our people, and we will work to the utmost to defend it.

     

    Mr. Zamora Rivas (El Salvador) (spoke in Spanish): El Salvador would like to explain its vote on resolution 69/188, entitled “Situation of human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea”.


    El Salvador abstained in the voting at the time the resolution was adopted in the Third Committee. We would like to express our agreement with the text that was originally presented, with the exception of paragraph 8 for constitutional and legal reasons that do not allow our country to support the paragraph’s language. Accordingly, El Salvador supported the proposed amendment contained in document A/C.3/69/L.63, which aimed to delete paragraph 8. The amendment, which was not adopted, sought to substitute for paragraph 8 language calling for rapprochement and dialogue on human rights issues. Given the outcome of the voting on the amendment and on the text as a whole today, which includes the second part of the amendment that was not adopted by the Committee, and given the fact that the sponsor countries decided to include in the text aspects on openness to dialogue, El Salvador decided to change its position and to vote in favour of the resolution, despite the fact that paragraph 8 was retained.


    Nevertheless, for the record, El Salvador would like to state that with regard to operative paragraph 8, and despite the fact that it has voted in favour of the resolution on the situation of human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, El Salvador is currently not a State party to the Rome Statute, and by extension to the International Criminal Court. That is why our vote in favour of this resolution should not be considered as our country’s recognition of the jurisdiction of this international tribunal as stated in paragraph 8.

     

    Ms. Murillo (Costa Rica) (spoke in Spanish): I would like to make a general statement following the adoption of these country-specific resolutions.


    Our concern about the human rights situation in the specific countries referred to in the resolutions submitted for consideration in the plenary today led us to vote in favour of all three resolutions. In addition, we maintain our principled position that all country-specific situations should be assessed on their respective merits — including, in this case, steps taken by countries to improve their human rights situations. Nevertheless, my country reiterates that the Human Rights Council has the main mandate on this issue. We should therefore support the Council and give it a prominent role on the issues before us today. The Human Rights Council has the necessary tools at its disposal to consider specific cases that are cause for concern to the international community — situations that, owing to their seriousness, require country-specific attention, such as special procedures. That is why my country believes that addressing country-specific situations should take place in the Human Rights Council. We therefore did not join the resolutions as sponsors in the Third Committee.

    We acknowledge that the Universal Periodic Review mechanism provides the appropriate means to consider human rights situations based on transparent, reliable and objective information. Strengthening the mechanism will help to further strengthen the Human Rights Council as the main body of the United Nations for the promotion and protection of human rights throughout the world without any distinction. Nevertheless, that should not distract us from our responsibility to express ourselves about situations that are of critical importance for fundamental rights, wherever they occur in the world, or from considering country-specific situations when necessary.


    Costa Rica believes that constructive dialogue and cooperation, including cooperation with special procedures and other human rights mechanisms and open invitations to visit countries, should continue to serve as the path towards effectively promoting and protecting human rights. We call on all States to commit truly to that effort.

     

    Mr. Wickramarachchige (Sri Lanka): Sri Lanka wishes to make the following statement following the voting on resolution 69/188, entitled “Situation of human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea”.


    Sri Lanka voted against this resolution. Our vote does not in any way demonstrate disregard for the promotion or protection of human rights. On the contrary, Sri Lanka remains committed to the advancement of human rights, and concerned about the alleged human rights situation in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. We urge the Government to take mesures to respect human rights and fundamental freedoms. Sri Lanka vehemently condemns all acts of abduction and expresses deep concern about the safety of those victims.

    Sri Lanka believes that country-specific resolutions designed to name and shame are not the appropriate means to address or advance human rights. When this resolution was considered in the Third Committee, Sri Lanka voted in favour of the proposal presented by Cuba to replace the current paragraphs 7 and 8 with provisions that would enable the adoption of a cooperative approach. However, the proposal failed to receive the necessary support in the Committee. The current paragraphs 7 and 8 require that the Commission of Inquiry report on the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea be submitted to the Security Council. They also encourage the Council to consider referring the situation to the International Criminal Court. That is an unacceptable approach, especially as the country concerned has indicated its willingness to engage, and even to accept the visit of a Special Rapporteur. Sri Lanka categorically rejects that proposition in the resolution, which places the onus on the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea to address alleged human rights violations.

    For those reasons, having abstained in the past, Sri Lanka was compelled to vote against this resolution.

     

    (...)


     

    [Adopted Resolution/채택된 결의안]

     

    http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/RES/69/188

     

     

    United Nations

    A/RES/69/188

    General Assembly

    Distr.: General

    21 January 2015

    Sixty-ninth session

    Agenda item 68 (c)

     

     

    Resolution adopted by the General Assembly on 18 December 2014

    [on the report of the Third Committee (A/69/488/Add.3)]

    69/188.    Situation of human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea

     

     

              The General Assembly,

              Reaffirming that all States have an obligation to promote and protect human rights and fundamental freedoms and to fulfil the obligations that they have undertaken under the various international instruments,

              Recalling all previous resolutions adopted by the General Assembly, the Commission on Human Rights and the Human Rights Council on the situation of human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, including Assembly resolution 68/183 of 18 December 2013 and Council resolution 25/25 of 28 March 2014,[1] and mindful of the need for the international community to strengthen its coordinated efforts aimed at achieving the implementation of those resolutions,

              Deeply concerned at the grave human rights situation, the pervasive culture of impunity and the lack of accountability for human rights violations in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea,

              Welcoming the report of the commission of inquiry on human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea,[2] and expressing grave concern at the detailed findings contained therein,

              Noting the transmission of the report of the commission of inquiry to the Security Council on 14 April 2014,

              Recalling the responsibility of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea to protect its population from crimes against humanity,

              Taking note of the report of the Special Rapporteur of the Human Rights Council on the situation of human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea,[3] regretting that he still has not been allowed to visit the country and that he has received no cooperation from the authorities of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, and taking note also of the comprehensive report of the Secretary-General on the situation of human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea submitted in accordance with resolution 68/183,[4]

              Mindful that the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is a party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,[5] the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights,5 the Convention on the Rights of the Child[6] and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women,[7] and recalling the concluding observations of the treaty bodies under the four treaties,

              Noting with appreciation the signature of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities[8] and the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography[9] by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, encouraging the Government of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea to take speedy steps to ratify the Convention and the Optional Protocol, and urging the Government to fully respect the rights of persons with disabilities and children,

              Acknowledging the participation of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in the second universal periodic review process, noting the acceptance by the Government of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea of 113 out of the 268 recommendations contained in the outcome of the review[10] and its stated commitment to implement them and look into the possibility of implementing a further 58 recommendations, and emphasizing the importance of the implementation of the recommendations in order to address the grave human rights violations in the country,

              Noting with appreciation the collaboration established between the Government of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the United Nations Children’s Fund and the World Health Organization in order to improve the health situation in the country, and the collaboration established with the United Nations Children’s Fund in order to improve the quality of education for children,

              Noting the decision on the resumption, on a modest scale, of the activities of the United Nations Development Programme in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, and encouraging the engagement of the Government of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea with the international community to ensure that the programmes benefit the persons in need of assistance,

              Noting also the cooperation between the Government of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the World Food Programme, the United Nations Children’s Fund and the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations on food security assessments, underscoring the importance of those assessments in analysing changes in the national, household and individual food security and nutritional situation and thereby in supporting donor confidence in the targeting of aid programmes, noting further the letter of understanding signed by the Government and the World Food Programme and the importance of further improvements in operating conditions, bringing access and monitoring arrangements closer to international standards for all United Nations entities, and noting with appreciation the work of international aid operators,

              Noting further the importance of the issue of international abductions and of the immediate return of all abductees, taking note of the outcome of the government-level consultation between the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Japan in May 2014, and expecting concrete and positive results from the investigations being conducted by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea on all the Japanese nationals, in particular victims of abduction,

              Noting the importance of the inter-Korean dialogue, which could contribute to the improvement of the human rights and humanitarian situation in the country,

              Welcoming the resumption of the reunions of separated families across the border in February 2014, and, given that this is an urgent humanitarian concern of the entire Korean people, hoping that necessary arrangements for further reunions on a larger scale and a regular basis will be made by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, the Republic of Korea and members of the Korean diaspora,

              1.       Condemns the long-standing and ongoing systematic, widespread and gross violations of human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, including those which the commission of inquiry on human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, established by the Human Rights Council in its resolution 22/13 of 21 March 2013,[11] has said may amount to crimes against humanity, and the continuing impunity for such violations;

              2.       Expresses its very serious concern at:

              (a)    The persistence of continuing reports of violations of human rights, including the detailed findings made by the commission of inquiry in its report,2 such as:

    (i)      Torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, including inhuman conditions of detention; rape; public executions; extrajudicial and arbitrary detention; the absence of due process and the rule of law, including fair trial guarantees and an independent judiciary; extrajudicial, summary and arbitrary executions; the imposition of the death penalty for political and religious reasons; collective punishments extending up to three generations; and the extensive use of forced labour;

    (ii)     The existence of an extensive system of political prison camps, where a vast number of persons are deprived of their liberty and subjected to deplorable conditions and where alarming violations of human rights are perpetrated, and in this regard strongly urges the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea to immediately end this practice and to release all political prisoners unconditionally and without any delay;

    (iii)   The forcible transfer of populations and the limitations imposed on every person who wishes to move freely within the country and travel abroad, including the punishment of those who leave or try to leave the country without permission, or their families, as well as punishment of persons who are returned;

    (iv)    The situation of refugees and asylum seekers expelled or returned to the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and sanctions imposed on citizens of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea who have been repatriated from abroad, leading to punishments of internment, torture, other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment, sexual violence or the death penalty, and in this regard strongly urges all States to respect the fundamental principle of
    non-refoulement, to treat those who seek refuge humanely and to ensure unhindered access to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and his Office, with a view to protecting the human rights of those who seek refuge, and once again urges States parties to comply with their obligations under the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees
    [12] and the 1967 Protocol thereto[13] in relation to refugees from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea who are covered by those instruments;

    (v)     All-pervasive and severe restrictions on the freedoms of thought, conscience, religion or belief, opinion and expression, peaceful assembly and association, the right to privacy and equal access to information, by such means as the persecution, torture and imprisonment of individuals exercising their freedom of opinion and expression, religion or belief, and their families, and the right of everyone to take part in the conduct of public affairs, directly or through freely chosen representatives, of his or her country;

    (vi)    Violations of economic, social and cultural rights, which have led to severe hunger, malnutrition, widespread health problems and other hardship for the population in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, in particular for women, children, persons with disabilities and the elderly;

    (vii)   Violations of the human rights and fundamental freedoms of women, in particular the creation of internal conditions that force women to leave the country and make them extremely vulnerable to trafficking in persons for the purpose of prostitution, domestic servitude or forced marriage and the subjection of women to forced abortions, gender-based discrimination, including in the political and social spheres, and other forms of sexual and gender-based violence;

    (viii)  Violations of the human rights and fundamental freedoms of children, in particular the continued lack of access to basic economic, social and cultural rights for many children, and in this regard notes the particularly vulnerable situation faced by, inter alia, returned or repatriated children, street children, children with disabilities, children whose parents are detained, children living in detention or in institutions and children in conflict with the law;

    (ix)    Violations of the human rights and fundamental freedoms of persons with disabilities, especially in the use of collective camps and of coercive measures that target the rights of persons with disabilities to decide freely and responsibly on the number and spacing of their children;

    (x)     Violations of workers’ rights, including the right to freedom of association and effective recognition of the right to collective bargaining, the right to strike as defined by the obligations of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea under the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights,5 and the prohibition of the economic exploitation of children and of any harmful or hazardous work of children as defined by the obligations of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea under the Convention on the Rights of the Child;6

    (xi)    Discrimination based on the songbun system, which classifies people on the basis of State-assigned social class and birth, and also includes consideration of political opinions and religion;

              (b)     The continued refusal of the Government of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea to recognize the mandate of the Special Rapporteur of the Human Rights Council on the situation of human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea or to extend cooperation to the Special Rapporteur;

              (c)     The continued lack of acknowledgement by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea of the grave human rights situation in the country and its consequential lack of action to implement the recommendations contained in the outcome of its first universal periodic review;[14]

              (d)     The failure of the authorities of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea to prosecute those responsible for human rights violations, including violations which the commission of inquiry has said may amount to crimes against humanity;

              3.       Underscores its very serious concern at the systematic abduction, denial of repatriation and subsequent enforced disappearance of persons, including those from other countries, on a large scale and as a matter of State policy, and in this regard strongly calls upon the Government of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea urgently to resolve these issues of international concern, in a transparent manner, including by ensuring the immediate return of abductees;

              4.       Expresses its very deep concern at the precarious humanitarian situation in the country, which could rapidly deteriorate owing to limited resilience to natural disasters and to government policies causing limitations in the availability of and access to food, compounded by structural weaknesses in agricultural production resulting in significant shortages of diversified food and the State restrictions on the cultivation of and trade in foodstuffs, as well as the prevalence of chronic malnutrition, particularly among the most vulnerable groups, pregnant women, children, persons with disabilities and the elderly, and urges the Government of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, in this regard, to take preventive and remedial action, cooperating where necessary with international donor agencies and in accordance with international standards for monitoring humanitarian assistance;

              5.       Commends the Special Rapporteur for the activities undertaken so far and for his continued efforts in the conduct of his mandate despite the denial of access;

              6.       Also commends the work of the commission of inquiry and recognizes the importance of its report, and regrets that the commission received no cooperation from the authorities of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, including with regard to access to the country;

              7.       Acknowledges the commission’s finding that the body of testimony gathered and the information received provide reasonable grounds to believe that crimes against humanity have been committed in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, pursuant to policies established at the highest level of the State for decades;

              8.       Decides to submit the report of the commission of inquiry to the Security Council, and encourages the Council to consider the relevant conclusions and recommendations of the commission and take appropriate action to ensure accountability, including through consideration of referral of the situation in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea to the International Criminal Court and consideration of the scope for effective targeted sanctions against those who appear to be most responsible for acts that the commission has said may constitute crimes against humanity;

              9.       Welcomes the steps taken by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights towards establishing a field-based structure in the Republic of Korea to strengthen the monitoring and documentation of the situation of human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, to ensure accountability, to provide the Special Rapporteur with increased support, to enhance the engagement and capacity-building of the Governments of all States concerned, civil society and other stakeholders and to maintain the visibility of the situation of human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, including through sustained communications, advocacy and outreach initiatives;

              10.     Calls upon Member States to undertake to ensure that the field-based structure of the Office of the High Commissioner can function with independence, that it has sufficient resources and that it is not subjected to any reprisals or threats;

              11.     Strongly urges the Government of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea to respect fully all human rights and fundamental freedoms and, in this regard:

              (a)     To immediately put an end to the systematic, widespread and grave violations of human rights emphasized above, inter alia, by implementing fully the measures set out in the above-mentioned resolutions of the General Assembly, the Commission on Human Rights and the Human Rights Council, and the recommendations addressed to the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea by the Council in the context of the universal periodic review and by the commission of inquiry, the United Nations special procedures and treaty bodies;

              (b)     To protect its inhabitants, address the issue of impunity and ensure that those responsible for violations of human rights are brought to justice before an independent judiciary;

              (c)     To tackle the root causes leading to refugee outflows and prosecute those who exploit refugees by human smuggling, trafficking and extortion, while not criminalizing the victims;

              (d)     To ensure that citizens of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea who are expelled or returned to the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea are able to return in safety and dignity, are treated humanely and are not subjected to any kind of punishment, and to provide information on their status and treatment;

              (e)     To extend its full cooperation to the Special Rapporteur, including by granting him full, free and unimpeded access to the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, and to other United Nations human rights mechanisms so that a full needs assessment of the human rights situation may be made;

              (f)      To engage in technical cooperation activities in the field of human rights with the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and his Office, as pursued by the High Commissioner in recent years, with a view to improving the situation of human rights in the country, and to strive to implement the accepted recommendations stemming from the universal periodic review;

              (g)     To engage in cooperation with the International Labour Organization;

              (h)     To continue and reinforce its cooperation with United Nations humanitarian agencies;

              (i)      To ensure full, safe and unhindered access to humanitarian aid and take measures to allow humanitarian agencies to secure its impartial delivery to all parts of the country on the basis of need in accordance with humanitarian principles, as it pledged to do, and to ensure access to adequate food and implement more effective food security policies, including through sustainable agriculture, sound food production distribution measures and the allocation of more funds to the food sector, and to ensure adequate monitoring of humanitarian assistance;

              (j)      To further improve cooperation with the United Nations country team and development agencies so that they can directly contribute to improving the living conditions of the civilian population, including accelerating progress towards the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals, in accordance with international monitoring and evaluation procedures;

              (k)     To consider ratifying and acceding to remaining international human rights treaties, which would enable a dialogue with the human rights treaty bodies;

              12.     Urges the Government of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea to implement the recommendations of the commission of inquiry without delay;

              13.     Encourages all Member States, the General Assembly, the Human Rights Council, the Office of the High Commissioner, the United Nations Secretariat, civil society organizations, foundations and engaged business enterprises and other stakeholders towards which the commission of inquiry has directed recommendations to implement or take forward those recommendations;

              14.     Welcomes the recent willingness expressed by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea to consider human rights dialogues with States and groups of States, technical cooperation with the Office of the High Commissioner and a country visit of the Special Rapporteur;

              15.     Calls upon the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea to continue to engage constructively with international interlocutors with a view to promoting concrete improvements in the human rights situation on the ground, including through dialogues, official visits to the country and more people-to-people contact;

              16.     Decides to continue its examination of the situation of human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea at its seventieth session, and to this end requests the Secretary-General to submit a comprehensive report on the situation in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, and requests the Special Rapporteur to continue to report his findings and recommendations, as well as to report on the follow-up to the implementation of the recommendations of the commission of inquiry, in line with Human Rights Council resolution 25/25.1

     

    73rd plenary meeting
    18 December 2014

     



    [1] See Official Records of the General Assembly, Sixty-ninth Session, Supplement No. 53 (A/69/53), chap. II.

    [5] See resolution 2200 A (XXI), annex.

    [6] United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 1577, No. 27531.

    [7] Ibid., vol. 1249, No. 20378.

    [8] Ibid., vol. 2515, No. 44910.

    [9] Ibid., vol. 2171, No. 27531.

    [11] See Official Records of the General Assembly, Sixty-eighth Session, Supplement No. 53 (A/68/53), chap. IV, sect. A.

    [12] United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 189, No. 2545.

    [13] Ibid., vol. 606, No. 8791.


    Source:

    http://www.un.org/press/en/2014/ga11604.doc.htm

    http://www.un.org/en/ga/69/resolutions.shtml

    http://www.un.org/en/ga/third/69/reports.shtml

    보도자료:141218 보도자료 제2기 UPR 권고사항 이행을 위한 자료집 발간.hwp

    http://www.humanrights.go.kr/common/board/fildn_new.jsp?fn=1418861233428.hwp

     

    자료집:

    1) 제2기 UPR 권고사항 이행을 위한 자료집 (용량초과로 첨부불가)

    ┣ http://www.humanrights.go.kr/common/board/fildn_new.jsp?fn=in_BB2014111511114675830001.pdf

    http://www.humanrights.go.kr/common/board/fildn_new.jsp?fn=1418887481266.pdf

    http://library.humanrights.go.kr/hermes/imgview/14-57.pdf

    http://www.humanrights.go.kr/common/board/fildn_new.jsp?fn=1421029432106.pdf

     

    2)부록1 제2기 UPR 실무그룹 한국 심의 보고서_국문(배포용).pdf

    http://www.humanrights.go.kr/common/board/fildn_new.jsp?fn=in_BB2014111511114675830002.pdf

     


     

    - 목차 -

     

    UPR 이해

    I. UPR 개요·········································································································································· 3
    II. UPR 업무 절차································································································································ 7
    대한민국 인권이사회 입후보 자발적 공약, 2013-2015 ···················································· 11
    The candidature of the Republic of Korea to the Human Rights Council,
    Voluntary Pledges and Commitments 2013-2015 ························································· 19
    제1기 UPR 권고사항 및 정부입장·························································································· 27
    유엔인권이사회 제2기 국가별 인권상황 정기검토(UPR)를 위한 한국 국가인권위원회
    보고서··············································································································································· 33
    제2기 UPR 권고사항 및 정부 입장······················································································· 43

    부록 1
    제2기 UPR 실무그룹 한국 심의 보고서(국문) ················································································ 61
    Draft report of the Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review
    Republic of Korea ··························································································································· 85

    부록 2
    NHRI,UPR 후속조치과정 가이드라인(국문) ···················································································· 111
    Guidelines on National Human Rights Institutions and the UPR follow-up process ······ 121

     


     

    「제2기 UPR 권고사항 이행을 위한 자료집」 발간

    인권위, 유엔 인권이사회에 제출한 ‘자발적 공약사항’ 번역∙공개

     

     

    o 국가인권위원회(위원장 현병철)는 유엔의 국가별인권상황정기검토(UPR : Universal Periodic Reveiw) 권고 이행을 촉진하기 위해 정부, 국회, NGO, 언론 등 관계자들의 이해를 돕고자 「제2기 UPR 권고사항 이행을 위한 자료집」을 번역‧발간했습니다.

     

    o 유엔의 국가별인권상황정기검토(UPR : Universal Periodic Reveiw)는 2006년 유엔 인권이사회(Human Rights Council)가 출범하면서 새롭게 설치된 인권메커니즘으로 인권이사회가 유엔 회원국인 모든 나라의 인권상황을 검토하고 인권개선을 위한 조치를 권고하는 정기점검제도입니다.

     

    o UPR 권고이행의 책임주체는 정부이며, 인권위는 정부의 권고 이행 상황을 점검하고 정부의 권고 이행을 도모하는 역할을 합니다.

     

    o 이번 자료집은 2013년 우리나라가 유엔 인권이사회 후보국으로 등록하면서 유엔 인권이사회에 제출한 ‘대한민국 자발적 공약사항’을 처음으로 번역해 소개하는 것으로, UPR 권고사항 이행을 위해 정부 등 이해관계자들이 업무 추진과정에서 숙지하여야 할 내용을 담고 있습니다.

     

    o 자료집에는 제2기 UPR 권고에 대한 내용뿐 아니라 제1기 UPR 권고내용 및 정부입장, UPR 권고내용에 대한 정부이행상황을 점검한 국가인권위원회 보고서 내용도 포함하고 있어 그 동안의 UPR 권고와 그에 대한 정부의 견해 등을 한 눈에 찾아볼 수 있습니다.

     

    o 인권위는 이 자료집이 법률제정 및 정책입안 관계자, NGO, 언론 및 학계 등 다양한 관계자들에게 UPR 권고이행을 위한 좋은 참고자료가 되기를 기대하며, 제2기 UPR 권고이행의 완전한 실현을 위해 최선의 노력을 다할 것입니다.

     

     

     


    출처:

     

    http://www.humanrights.go.kr/03_sub/body02_3_3.jsp?m_id1=27&m_id2=378&m_id3=391&m_id4=848 HOME > 인권정보·정책 > 인권정보·정책 > 공보/발간자료 > 일반단행본

    http://www.humanrights.go.kr/03_sub/body06.jsp?m_id1=27&m_id2=378&m_id3=878 HOME > 인권정보·정책 > 인권정보·정책 > 국제인권자료

    http://www.humanrights.go.kr/04_sub/body02.jsp?m_id1=72&m_id2=75&m_id3=919 HOME > 위원회활동 > 보도자료 > 보도자료

    http://library.humanrights.go.kr

    포스터:제4회 유엔인권권고 분야별 이행사항 점검 심포지엄 - 포스터.PDF

    보도자료:20141216_제4회_유엔인권권고_분야별_이행사항_점검_심포지엄_개최.hwp

     

    자료집:

    1)제4회 유엔인권권고 분야별 이행사항 점검 심포지엄 - 자료집.pdf

    ┗ Link: http://www.koreanbar.or.kr/inc/file_down.asp?url=pub&filename=자료집.pdf&filesave=ko_com_pub_2014121810166_1.PDF

     

    2)제4회 유엔인권권고 분야별 이행사항 점검 심포지엄 - 자료집 - 추가자료.zip

    ┗ Link: http://www.koreanbar.or.kr/inc/file_down.asp?url=pub&filename=추가자료.zip&filesave=ko_com_pub_2014121810166_2.ZIP

     


     

     

    제4회 유엔인권권고 분야별 이행사항 점검 심포지엄

    일시 : 2014년 12월 17일(수) 13:30~18:00
    장소 : 대한변협회관 14층 대강당

     

    13:30~13:40

    개회식
    사회 : 김병주 대한변호사협회 국제인권특별위원회 위원장·변호사
    ▶ 환영사 : 대한변호사협회 협회장
    ▶ 환영사 : 신혜수 유엔인권정책센터 상임대표


    13:40~15:10

    Session 1 UPR 권고 이행 중간점검 (14층)

    사회 : 김종철 대한변호사협회 국제인권특별위원회 위원·변호사
    ▶ 발제 : 장영석 대한변호사협회 국제인권특별위원회 위원·변호사
    ▶ 토론 : ⑴ 백가윤 참여연대 간사
    ⑵ 이경아 외교부 인권사회과장
    ⑶ 이석준 국가인권위원회 인권정책과장
    ⑷ 오유진 법무부 인권정책과 사무관
    ▶ 전체토론

    15:25~16:55

    쉬는 시간


    15:10~15:25

    Session 2 국가인권위원회 ICC 권고 이행 및 나아가야할 길 (18층)

    사회 : 오재창 대한변호사협회
    국제인권특별위원회 부위원장·변호사
    ▶ 발제 : 유남영 변호사
    ▶ 토론 : ⑴ 박찬운 한양대학교 법학전문대학원교수·변호사
    ⑵ 명숙 인권운동사랑방 상임활동가
    ⑶ 조규범 국회입법조사연구관·법학박사

    16:55~17:00
    Session 3 인권권고 이행을 위한 입법부의 책임과 역할 (14층)

    사회 : 신혜수 유엔인권정책센터 상임대표
    ▶ 발제 : 황필규 대한변호사협회 국제인권특별위원회위원·변호사
    ▶ 토론 : ⑴ 홍일표 국회의원

    ⑵ 차인순 국회 입법심의관

     

    17:00~18:00

    종합토론 (14층)
    사회 : 신혜수 유엔인권정책센터 상임대표

     

     

    대한변호사협회(협회장 위철환)는 유엔인권정책센터와 공동으로 2014. 12. 17.(수) 13:30 대한변협회관 14층 대강당에서 “제4회 유엔인권권고 분야별 이행사항 점검 심포지엄”을 개최합니다.

    협회는 2011년부터 매년 동 심포지엄을 개최하여 유엔의 인권권고사항을 확인하고 이행 여부 및 정도를 평가하고 우리나라 인권상황 증진을 위해 노력해왔으며, 올해에는 ①UPR 권고 이행 중간점검, ②국가인권위원회 ICC(국가인권기구 조정위원회 승인소위원회) 권고 이행 및 나아가야 할 길, ③유엔인권권고 이행을 위한 입법부의 책임과 역할에 관하여 논의할 예정입니다.

    이번 토론회에는 장영석 대한변호사협회 국제인권특별위원회 위원(변호사), 유남영 변호사, 황필규 대한변호사협회 국제인권특별위원회 위원(변호사)가 주제발표를 하고, 백가윤 참여연대 간사, 이경아 외교부 인권사회과장, 이석준 국가인권위원회 인권정책과장, 오유진 법무부 인권정책과 사무관, 박찬운 한양대학교 법학전문대학원 교수(변호사), 명 숙 인권운동사랑방 상임활동가, 조규범 국회 입법조사연구관(법학박사), 홍일표 국회의원, 차인순 국회 입법심의관, 김병주 대한변호사협회 국제인권특별위원회 위원장(변호사)이 토론자로 참석하여 열띤 토론을 펼칠 예정입니다

    위 심포지엄을 통해 UPR 인권 권고에 대한 적극적인 개선 방안을 마련하여 한국의 인권상황 증진을 도모하고, ICC 권고사항을 충실히 반영하여 국가인권위원회의 재승인심사 등급결정이 적절하게 이루어질 수 있는 초석을 마련하는 자리가 되기를 바랍니다.

     

    참가신청: https://docs.google.com/forms/d/166xPeJdG3KA1ZrgS9cI55Kk4-XOHt58E1965_raiJaU/viewform?usp=send_form

     

     


     

    4회 유엔인권권고 분야별 이행사항 점검 심포지움

    주요내용

     

    지난 1217일 코쿤과 대한변호사협회가 공동으로 제 4회 유엔인권권고 분야별 이행사항 점검 심포지움을 개최하였다. 어느덧 4회를 맞이하는 이번 심포지움의 주제는 1) 국가별인권상황정기검토(Universal Periodic Review) 권고이행 중간점검 2) 국가인권위원회 ICC 권고 이행 및 나아가야할 길 3) 인권권고 이행을 위한 입법부의 책임과 역할로 나뉘어졌다.

     

     

    사진.제 4회 심포지움이 진행되고 있는 대한변호사협회 14층 회의장 


    주제 1 UPR 권고이행 중간점검

     

    201210월 한국정부의 국가별인권상황정기검토 이른바 UPR 심의 이후 2년이 되었다. 4년 주기로 진행되는 UPR 심의인 만큼 UPR 권고 이행 중간점검의 의미로 이번 심포지움의 첫 세션의 주제로 정했다. 참고로 한국의 UPR 최초 심의는 2008년 진행되었고 2차 심의는 지난 2012년에 진행되었다.

     

    이 세션의 발제자인 민주사회를 위한 변호사 모임의 장영석 변호사는 중간점검을 위한 지표 질문을 사용하여 권고이행을 평가했다. 먼저 1)UPR 에서의 권고를 모국어로 번역했는지 2) 그 권고들에 대중들이 쉽게 접근할 수 있는지 3) UPR 심의이후 정부나 국가별인권기구가 권고의 내용을 풀어서 설명하고, 시민사회와 이행방안을 함께 고민하는 자리를 가졌는지 4)국가에 인권정책기본계획이 있는지, 있다면 UPR 고가 그 내용에 잘 반영되었는지 5) 정부가 중간 보고서를 작성하여 이행을 평가하였는지 등이 있을 수 있다고 전했다.

     

    이러한 방식으로 정부의 권고이행을 평가해 보았을 때, 전반적으로 정부의 이행상황은 부정적이었다. 우선 정부는 요약하여 UPR 권고를 게시하였을 뿐, 원문 전체를 번역하여 게시하지 않았고 정부의 2차 심의 답변이 1차 심의의 답변과 대동소이하거나 오히려 2차 심의에서의 답변이 오히려 인권적으로 후퇴했다. 이는 민감한 사안에 대해 정부의 대답이 늘상 추상적이거나, 해당 사안에 대한 연구하고 있다는 답변만 내놓는데서 비롯되었는데, 이에 대해 토론자로 참석한 법무부 사무관 역시 구체적이지 않은 정부계획에 대한 시원한 답변을 내놓지 못했다. 시민사회와의 부족한 대화에 대한 지적도 이어졌는데, 토론자로 나선 참여연대 국제연대위원회 백가윤 간사 역시 정부와 국가인권위원회, 시민사회단체 사이의 주기적인 대화의 자리가 마련되어 이러한 요식행위가 아닌 진정성을 가져야 한다고 강조하며 그러한 장에서 시민사회의 의견이 정부의 입법,사법, 행정 영역에 적극적으로 반영되어야 실질적인 인권향상을 기대할 수 있다고 전했다.

     

    끝으로 발제자는 정부가 UPR 이행점검이나 향후 UPR 국가심의절차 등이 단순히 법률개정이나 정책입안을 홍보하는 자리가 아니라 그러한 법률이나 정책에 따라 실질적으로 인권개선에 기여하는 절차여야 한다는 인식변화를 가지길 요청했다. 백가윤 간사 역시 전적으로 동의를 표하며 UPR 도를 국제적인 망신주기 제도로 이해하기 보다 인권상황 개선을 위해 정부가 직면한 어려움과 인권개선의 모범 사례를 공유하여 인권증진 및 보호를 위한 국가의 역량을 강화할 수 있는 계기로 받아들일 것을 기대한다고 토론을 마무리했다.

     

    주제 2 국가인권위원회 ICC 권고 이행 및 나아가야할 길

    지난 20143월 한국 국가인권위원회가 국제조정위원회의 승인소위 정기 재심사에서 등급 결정을 10월로 연기하였다가 다시 20153로 연기하였다. 이에 심포지움의 두 번째 주제로 국가인권위원회의 ICC 권고 이행과 국가인권위의 바람직한 기능 수행을 위해 나아가야 할 길에 대해 논의하는 시간을 마련했다.

     

    이 세션의 발제는 ICC 인소위 위원으로 활동경험과 국가인권위원회 상임위원을 역임한 유남영 변호사가 맡았다. 유 변호사는 승인소위가 ICC의 회원기구이자 A 등급의 한국 국가인권위원회를 바로 강등 하지 않고 심의를 연기한 것은 2008ICC가 한국 국가인권위원회에 내린 권고사항을 이행할 수 있는 기회를 부여하기 위한 것으로 판단했다. ICC 가 권고한 사항은 현행 국가인권위원회법에 따라 인권위원을 선출한 절차와 방법, 국가인권위원회가 예산과 인사와 관련하여 행정부의 통제 아래있는 점 등은 파리 원칙에 부합하지 않으므로 법령개정이 필요하다는 점이다.

     

    하지만 한국 국가인권위원회는 “ICC 권고 사항은 법과 제도 등 법률개저어 관련사항이므로 인권위가 독자적으로 해결하기에 어려운 측면이 있습니다, 우리 위원회는 그 동안의 지속적인 노력에도 불구하고 ICC 승인소위가 내린 이번 권고에 대해 깊은 유감을 표시하며, ICC승인 소위의 우리나라 법과 제도 및 상황에 대한 이해가 얼마나 깊은가에 대한 의문점을 갖게 됩니다라는 입장을 내놓았다.

     

    발제자는 한국 국가인권위의 취한 입장을 바보 디펜스”(자신이 해결하여야 할 문제에 대해 자신이 해결 능력이 없거나 해결할 문제가 자신의 능력 밖임을 하소연하는 방어방법)라고 칭하며 실망감을 나타냈는데 이는 ICC 및 승인소위는 입법권은 의회에 있고 각 국가마다 매우 다양한 정치형태와 법제를 가지고 있다는 점을 이미 잘 알고 있고, 이러한 제도와 법제의 다양성을 전제로 승인심사 업무를 수행하기 때문이다.

     

    토론자로 나선 인권운동사랑방의 명숙 활동가는 ICC 권고이행을 위해 인권위법 개정안이 발의된것 처럼 보이지만 실제로 그런적 없으며 ICC가 한국의 사정을 모른다고만 주장하는 인권위의 태도에 대해 불만을 토로했다. 또한 한국시민사회단체가 ICC에 한국국가인권위의 등급 강등을 요청한 것은 인권위 기능이 후퇴하여도 좋은 등급을 받을 수 있다는 선례를 남겨 국제사회에 영향을 끼칠 수 있다는 우려 때문이라고 전했다.

     

    발제자는 국가인권기구는 인권이라는 보편적인 기준에 입각하여 개별국가, 시민사회, 유엔 등의 국제인권기구의 세 꼭지점을 연결하는 효과적인 촉매제 및 교량으로서의 역할을 해야 하며 승인소위가 한국 국가인권위원회로 하여금 명시적인 법률규정을 통해 그 지위를 강화할 것을 요구하는 점을 감안하여 현재의 정치현실에 매몰되어 국제사회가 오해하고 있다고 변명을 하거나 ICC에 대해 화를 내거나 나무라는 것이 아니라 청와대, 정부, 국회, 언론 등에 ICC 권고사항을 충실히 반영하는 입법(법률 또는 대통령령)이 이뤄지도록 로비, 설득, 여론 조성 등의 일을 하는 것이라고 강조했다.

     

    끝으로 유남영 변호사는 만약 ICC 승인소위가 한국의 국가인권위원회에 대하여 A 등급에서 B등급으로 등급을 강등하는 결정을 내린다면, 오히려 국가권력이 자신을 감시할 기구인 국가인권기구가 어느 정도 강해지는 것을 허용하는지를 성찰하는 좋은 기회가 될 수 있을 것이라며, 한국 사회가 이러한 자화상을 유지할 지 아니면 보편적인 기준에 따라 변경할지 여부는 국가인권위와 한국 사회의 선택에 달려있다고 전하며 발제를 마쳤다.

     

    주제 3 인권권고 이행을 위한 입법부의 책임과 역할

     

    권고이행의 주된 책임을 가지고 있는 행정부와 국제인권법연구회를 통해 어느 정도 국제협약과 권고이행에 대한 연구모임이 정착화된 사법부에 비해 인권포럼을 통해 간헐적으로만 논의가 이뤄지는 입법부의 국제인권권고 노력을 독려하기 위해 본 세션이 마련되었다.

     

    발제자로 나선 황필규 변호사는 국회는 국가구조의 일부분으로서 당연히 인권보호, 존중 및 실현의 의무를 가진다며 법률을 만드는 입법부 고유한 위치에서 협약 이행 감시가 가능하다고 강조했다. 황변호사는 국회의 의무로 국제인권기구 결정례 혹은 권고를 참조하여 입법안이 국제인권기준에 부합되도록 하여야 하며 적절한 절차를 마련하여 제 개정 법률안이 국제인권규범에 부합하는지를 심사하여 장래 국제인권규범의 위반을 예방하고, 이는 각각의 법질서에 영향을 미칠 수 있는 국제인구너기구의 권고에 대한 정기적인 점검을 포함한다고 했다. 이를 위해 관련 기구를 설치하고 NGO 와의 협력과 인권교육 등을 입법부의 책임과 역할로 상정하였는데 보다 구체적인 체계마련 방안으로 다음의 가능성을 제시했다.

     

    1) 국회 내 별도의 상임위원회 신설 2) 상임위 내 소위원회 구성 3)인권포럼이나 경제사회정책포럼과 같이 기존 연구단체 강화 또는 신설 4)시민사회단체가 함께하는 연구모임 결성 등이다.

     

    이에 토론자로 나선 김병주 변호사는 기존 상임위 내 소위원회 설치는 현실적인 어려움이 예상된다는 의견과 함께 별도의 상임위 설치가 장기적인 목표로 반드시 필요하며 이는 시민사회가 나서서 독려해야 할 문제라는 제시했다. 또한 시민사회가 나서 국회의원들이 국제인권기준과 권고에 대해 연구할 수 있도록 노력하며 연구 횟수를 설정하기에 앞서 국회의 역할과 활동이 필요하다고 설득하는 것이 우선이라고 했다. 또 다른 토론자인 차인순 국회입법심의관은 국가인권위 소관 상임위에서 총괄 점검이 필요하나 국회운영위원회는 상임위 특성상 마찰이 많아 인권문제를 차분히 다루기에는 한계가 있다고 지적했다.

     

    차인순 심의관은 국회의원들이 국제인권권고 이행에 대한 관심이 낮은 이유는 국제인권이라는 이슈가 국민의 피부에 와닿는 의제라기보다는 후순위의 문제라고 인식하기 때문이라고 하자 김병주 변호사는 인권의제를 발굴하고 이를 국제법에 맞춰 분석하고 적절한 입법 활동을 하는 것은 국민에게 충분히 호소력을 가지고 뚜렷한 성과를 낼 수 있다는 의견을 밝혔다.

     

    황필규 변호사는 발제의 끝에서 국회가 당장 적어도 정부로 하여금 유엔인권기구의 각종 권고를 모두 변역하여 그 이행방안과 함께 국회에 채계적으로 보고할 수 있도록 하여야 하고, 국회의원들도 유엔인권이사회나 한국 국가보고서가 심의되는 유엔조약기구 회의에 공식적으로 참여하는 등 적극적인 역할을 수행하기 위한 방안을 모색하고 실천에 옮겨야 한다고 주장하며 발표를 마무리했다.

     


     

    출처:

    http://kocun.org/v1/load.asp?b_code=33&board_md=view&idx=535

    http://www.koreanbar.or.kr HOME > 자료실 > 기타

    http://www.koreanbar.or.kr HOME > 알림마당 > 보도자료

    http://www.kocun.org/v1/load.asp?sub_p=board/board&b_code=33&page=1&idx=545&board_md=view

    자료집: 최종_자료집_제2회 국제인권 심포지엄.pdf


     

    법무부 주최 ‘제2회 국제인권 심포지엄’ 사무국에서는 12월 10일 인권의 날을 기념하여 주권옹호의 주무 부처인 법무부‘바람직한 국가인권정책 추진체계’를 주제로 제2회 국제인권심포지엄을 개최합니다.

    행사 개요는 아래와 같습니다.

     

    <행사 개요>

     

    1.     행 사 명: 제2회 국제인원 심포지엄

    2.     행사일시: 2014년 12월 12일 (금) 09:30-18:00

    3.     행사장소: 페럼타워 3F 페럼홀, 을지로 입구역 3번 출구

    4.     행사주제: 바람직한 국가인권정책 추진사례

    5.     행사내용

    세션 1) 국가인원정책 기본계획 추진사례 및 개선방안

    세션 2) 인권보호를 위한 중앙ㆍ지방정부의 역할

    세션 3) 입법ㆍ사법ㆍ행정부의 인권보장 역할과 국가인권기구

    6.     사전등록 바로가기: http://humanrights2014.kr

     

     

     

     


    출처:

     

    http://www.moj.go.kr/HP/COM/bbs_03/ListShowData.do?strNbodCd=noti0003&strWrtNo=4747&strAnsNo=A&strNbodCd=noti0003&strFilePath=moj/&strRtnURL=MOJ_30600000&strOrgGbnCd=100000&strThisPage=1&strNbodCdGbn=

     

    http://www.hr.go.kr/HP/COM/bbs_03/ListShowData.do?strNbodCd=noti9014&strWrtNo=118&strAnsNo=A&strRtnURL=HUM_5040&strOrgGbnCd=110000&strFilePath=hum/

    미국 상원 정보특별위원회(U.S. Senate Select Committee on Intelligence):

    중앙정보국의 구금 및 신문 프로그램에 관한 위원회 연구(Committee Study of the CIA's Detention and Interrogation Program)

     

    1) 서문, 판단 및 결론, 요약문 (용량초과로 첨부불가)

    Link: Study of the CIA's Detention and Interrogation Program - Foreword, Findings and Conclusions, and Executive Summary

     

    2) 추가의견

    sscistudy2 - Additional Views.pdf 

    ┗ Link: Additional Views

     

    3) 소수의견 및 추가소수의견 (용량초과로 첨부불가)

    Link: Minority & Additional Minority Views

     

     

     

    * 생각해볼 번역거리: Enhanced Interrogation Techniques = "선진..."?, "향상된..."?, "강화된...", "고강도..."?

     

     


    Feinstein report: UN expert calls for prosecution of CIA officers and other US Government officials

     

    GENEVA (9 December 2014) – Statement by United Nations Special Rapporteur on counter terrorism and human rights, Ben Emmerson, concerning the publication of the summary of the Feinstein report on crimes committed by the Bush-era CIA:

     

    “I welcome the belated publication of the summary report by the United States Senate Select Committee on Intelligence into the crimes of torture and enforced disappearance of terrorist suspects by the Bush-era CIA. It has taken four years since the report was finalised to reach this point. The Administration is to be commended for resisting domestic pressure to suppress these important findings.

    In my 2013 report* to the Human Rights Council as SpeciaI Rapporteur, I called on the US Government to release the report without further delay, and to ensure that it was published in full, without excessive and unnecessary redactions.

    The summary of the Feinstein report which was released this afternoon confirms what the international community has long believed - that there was a clear policy orchestrated at a high level within the Bush administration, which allowed to commit systematic crimes and gross violations of international human rights law.

    The identities of the perpetrators, and many other details, have been redacted in the published summary report but are known to the Select Committee and to those who provided the Committee with information on the programme.

    It is now time to take action. The individuals responsible for the criminal conspiracy revealed in today’s report must be brought to justice, and must face criminal penalties commensurate with the gravity of their crimes.

    The fact that the policies revealed in this report were authorised at a high level within the US Government provides no excuse whatsoever. Indeed, it reinforces the need for criminal accountability.

    International law prohibits the granting of immunities to public officials who have engaged in acts of torture. This applies not only to the actual perpetrators but also to those senior officials within the US Government who devised, planned and authorised these crimes.

    As a matter of international law, the US is legally obliged to bring those responsible to justice. The UN Convention Against Torture and the UN Convention on Enforced Disappearances require States to prosecute acts of torture and enforced disappearance where there is sufficient evidence to provide a reasonable prospect of conviction. States are not free to maintain or permit impunity for these grave crimes.

    It is no defence for a public official to claim that they were acting on superior orders. CIA officers who physically committed acts of torture therefore bear individual criminal responsibility for their conduct, and cannot hide behind the authorisation they were given by their superiors.

    However, the heaviest penalties should be reserved for those most seriously implicated in the planning and purported authorisation of these crimes. Former Bush Administration officials who have admitted their involvement in the programme should also face criminal prosecution for their acts.

    President Obama made it clear more than five years ago that the US Government recognises the use of waterboarding as torture. There is therefore no excuse for shielding the perpetrators from justice any longer. The US Attorney General is under a legal duty to bring criminal charges against those responsible.

    Torture is a crime of universal jurisdiction. The perpetrators may be prosecuted by any other country they may travel to. However, the primary responsibility for bringing them to justice rests with the US Department of Justice and the Attorney General.”

     


    Statement from Director Brennan on the SSCI Study on the Former Detention and Interrogation Program

    Statement from Director Brennan on the SSCI Study on the Former Detention and Interrogation Program

    December 9, 2014


     

    Over the past several decades, and especially since the terrible tragedy of 9/11, the CIA has been at the forefront of our Nation’s campaign against al-Qa’ida and other terrorist organizations worldwide. The women and men of the CIA have operated around the globe, 24-hours-a-day, working with their U.S. colleagues as well as with foreign partners to prevent terrorist attacks. As a result of these efforts, including the many sacrifices made by CIA officers and their families, countless lives have been saved and our Homeland is more secure.

    As part of the CIA’s global effort to dismantle al-Qa’ida and to prevent future terrorist attacks, the Agency was directed by President Bush six days after 9/11 to carry out a program to detain terrorist suspects around the world. Certain detainees were subjected to enhanced interrogation techniques (EITs), which the Department of Justice determined at the time to be lawful and which were duly authorized by the Bush Administration. These techniques, which were last used by the CIA in December 2007, subsequently were prohibited by an Executive Order issued by President Obama when he took office in January 2009.

    Today, the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence (SSCI) released a redacted version of the Executive Summary, Findings, and Conclusions of its Study on CIA’s former detention and interrogation program, along with Minority Views and the Additional Views of a number of Committee members on the same subject. The CIA has also released its redacted June 2013 response to the Study, which is being posted on our website, www.cia.gov.

    As noted in CIA’s response to the study, we acknowledge that the detention and interrogation program had shortcomings and that the Agency made mistakes. The most serious problems occurred early on and stemmed from the fact that the Agency was unprepared and lacked the core competencies required to carry out an unprecedented, worldwide program of detaining and interrogating suspected al-Qa’ida and affiliated terrorists. In carrying out that program, we did not always live up to the high standards that we set for ourselves and that the American people expect of us. As an Agency, we have learned from these mistakes, which is why my predecessors and I have implemented various remedial measures over the years to address institutional deficiencies.

    Yet, despite common ground with some of the findings of the Committee’s Study, we part ways with the Committee on some key points. Our review indicates that interrogations of detainees on whom EITs were used did produce intelligence that helped thwart attack plans, capture terrorists, and save lives. The intelligence gained from the program was critical to our understanding of al-Qa’ida and continues to inform our counterterrorism efforts to this day.

    We also disagree with the Study’s characterization of how CIA briefed the program to the Congress, various entities within the Executive Branch, and the public. While we made mistakes, the record does not support the Study’s inference that the Agency systematically and intentionally misled each of these audiences on the effectiveness of the program. Moreover, the process undertaken by the Committee when investigating the program provided an incomplete and selective picture of what occurred. As noted in the Minority views and in a number of additional views of Members, no interviews were conducted of any CIA officers involved in the program, which would have provided Members with valuable context and perspective surrounding these events.

    Throughout its 67-year history, CIA has played a critical role keeping our Nation secure, and CIA officers are rightly proud and honored to be part of an organization that is indispensable to our national security. The numerous challenges on the world stage demand the full attention, focus, and capabilities of the women and men of the CIA so that our country can stay strong and our fellow Americans remain safe. To be successful, the CIA needs to work closely with its Congressional oversight committees as we confront these challenges.  With today’s release of Committee documents and the CIA response, we look forward to the way ahead.

     

    Related Documents:

     


    CIA Fact Sheet Regarding the SSCI Study on the Former Detention and Interrogation Program

    Related Documents:

    The Detention and Interrogation Program Ended in 2009 and Will Not Be Renewed at CIA:

    • President Obama ended the detention and interrogation program nearly six years ago in 2009.
    • The use of Enhanced Interrogation Techniques (EITs) by CIA ended in December 2007, and was subsequently prohibited by an Executive Order issued by President Obama when he took office in January 2009.
    • The President also directed that CIA no longer operate detention facilities and banned the use of all interrogation techniques that are not in the Army Field Manual for those held in U.S. custody or under the effective control of the United States in any armed conflict.
    • It is Director Brennan’s resolute intention to ensure that Agency officers scrupulously adhere to these directives, which the Director fully supports.

     

    History:

    • The detention and interrogation program was authorized by President George W. Bush six days after the terrorist attacks of 9/11, reviewed and determined to be lawful by the Justice Department, and implemented by the CIA.
    • The program was one part of a global counter-terrorism effort undertaken by CIA to dismantle al-Qa’ida and prevent another mass-casualty strike on American soil.

     

    CIA’s Response Acknowledges Serious Mistakes:

    • CIA’s 2013 response (found at www.cia.gov) to the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence (SSCI) Study acknowledges that the program had shortcomings and the Agency made mistakes. The most serious problems occurred early on and stemmed from the fact that the Agency was unprepared and lacked the core competencies required to undertake an unprecedented program of detaining and interrogating suspected terrorists around the world.
    • In carrying out that program, CIA did not always live up to the high standards that we set for ourselves and that the American people expect of us.
    • CIA has owned up to these mistakes, learned from them, and taken numerous corrective actions over the years. Further improvements to CIA practices continue to be made today as a result of our review of the SSCI Study.

     

    The Program Produced Valuable and Unique Intelligence:

    • The Agency takes no position on whether intelligence obtained from detainees who were subjected to EITs could have been obtained through other means or from other individuals. The answer to this question is, and will remain, unknowable.
    • However, CIA reviews indicate that the program, including interrogations of detainees on whom EITs were used, did produce valuable and unique intelligence that helped thwart attack plans, capture terrorists and save lives. Tab C of the Agency’s response addresses this issue in detail.
    • CIA’s position on the value of information derived from detainees is not an endorsement of the policy decision to use EITs or an “ends-justify-the-means” case for them, but merely a reflection of the historical record.
    • CIA assesses that most of the 20 case studies cited in the SSCI Study and the Agency’s representations about them remain valid examples of the program’s effectiveness, although CIA has acknowledged some flaws in its past representations.

     

    Bin Ladin Example:

    • For instance, information that CIA obtained from detainees played a role, in combination with other streams of intelligence, in finding Usama Bin Ladin.
    • Information from detainees in CIA custody relating to the involvement of courier Abu Ahmad al-Kuwaiti in delivering messages to and from Bin Ladin fundamentally changed our assessment of his potential importance to our hunt for Bin Ladin.
    • As an example, Ammar al-Baluchi, after undergoing EITs, was the first detainee to reveal that Abu Ahmad al-Kuwaiti served as a courier for messages from Bin Ladin after Bin Laden had departed Afghanistan. Before that, CIA had only general information that Abu Ahmad had interacted with Bin Ladin before the group’s retreat from Tora Bora in late 2001, when Bin Ladin was relatively accessible to a number of al-Qa’ida figures.
    • This information prompted CIA to re-question other detainees on Abu Ahmad’s role, to review previous reporting in light of this information, and to increase the focus of Abu Ahmad’s role in our questioning. CIA then combined this information with reporting from other streams to build a profile of Abu Ahmad’s experiences, family, and characteristics that allowed us to eventually determine his true name and location.

    CIA Representations to Congress, the Executive Branch, and the Public Regarding the Program:

    • CIA disagrees with the Study’s inference that the CIA systematically and intentionally misrepresented the program to Congress, others in the Executive Branch, and the media.
    • The Agency’s record is not perfect – there were instances where representations about the program that were used or approved by Agency officers were inaccurate, imprecise, or fell short of Agency tradecraft standards -- but the factual record does not support the inference in the Study that the Agency conspired to intentionally mislead the Congress or others regarding the effectiveness of the program.
    • Within the limits on access established by the White House, CIA made a good faith effort to keep Congressional oversight committee leaders fully briefed on the program.
    • CIA also facilitated multiple reviews by its own Inspector General (IG), whose reports allowed Agency leaders to address a number of the same shortcomings noted in the SSCI report.
    • Despite some flaws in CIA’s representations of effectiveness, the overall nature and value of the program, including the manner in which interrogations were carried out and the IG’s findings about the program’s shortcomings, were accurately portrayed to CIA’s Executive and Legislative Branch overseers, as well as the Justice Department.

     

    CIA’s Response Included Recommendations Based on a Review of the Study:

    • While there are no specific recommendations for CIA improvement in the SSCI Study, CIA developed its own recommendations based on a review of the concerns raised in the Study. CIA has made substantial progress implementing these recommendations, including:
      • To better plan and manage sensitive programs, CIA has codified a requirement to explicitly address at the outset lines of authority, resources, the implications of public disclosure, and an exit strategy.
      • CIA is improving how it assesses the effectiveness of its sensitive programs and has instituted a process for determining which assignments entail particularly sensitive responsibilities requiring enhanced vetting of CIA officers being considered for those assignments.
      • CIA has created a mechanism to ensure it regularly revalidates and, as necessary, updates the factual basis for the legal guidance on which it relies from the Justice Department’s Office of Legal Counsel.
      • CIA has established a requirement that internal accountability boards do not focus exclusively on individual misconduct, but look more broadly at any systemic problems.

    CIA’s Response Takes an Introspective Look at the Past with an Eye towards the Future:

    • CIA has learned many lessons over the years from this chapter in its history, and the Agency is stronger as a result. The SSCI Study is no exception.
    • Nevertheless, CIA must ensure the SSCI Study doesn’t undermine the confidence of officers charged with executing current or future Presidential directives and hopes that, in the future, such reports can be the result of collaborative, bi-partisan investigations.
    • CIA sincerely hopes that, as a result of the Committee’s work and our subsequent review and response, we can move forward in our efforts to address successfully the many national security challenges facing our nation. By learning from the past while focusing on the future, we will be best able to meet our responsibility to protect the American people.

     


    CIA's June 2013 Response to the SSCI Study on the Former Detention and Interrogation Program

     

    CIAs_June2013_Response_to_the_SSCI_Study_on_the_Former_Detention_and_Interrogation_Program.pdf

     


     

    출처:

    http://www.intelligence.senate.gov

    http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=15397&LangID=E

    CIA's June 2013 Response to the SSCI Study on the Former Detention and Interrogation Program [PDF 5.4MB]

    https://www.cia.gov/news-information/press-releases-statements/2014-press-releases-statements/statement-from-director-brennan-on-ssci-study-on-detention-interrogation-program.html

    https://www.cia.gov/news-information/press-releases-statements/2014-press-releases-statements/cia-fact-sheet-ssci-study-on-detention-interrogation-program.html

    자료집:ICC 등급심사 재보류에 따른「국가인권위법 개정안」공청회 - 자료집.pdf

     

     

    “국가인권위원회 제자리 찾기의 시작”

     

    ICC 등급심사 재보류에 따른 국가인권위법 개정안 공청회

     

    ▢ 날짜: 2014년 12월 10일 오전 10시

    ▢ 장소: 국회의원회관 제8간담회실

    ▢ 주최: 새정치민주연합 장하나의원실, 국가인권위 제자리 찾기 공동행동

     

    사회: 박경석 공동상임대표 (전국장애인차별철폐연대)

    인사말: 새정치민주연합 장하나의원

      

    [발제]

    국가인권기구 국제조정위원회(ICC) 권고의 의미

    : 유남영 변호사(전 국가인권위원회 상임위원, 전 ICC 승인소위 위원)

     

    인권위 독립성 확보와 인권위원 인선절차 마련을 위한 인권위법 개정안

    : 명숙 집행위원장(국가인권위 공동행동, 인권운동사랑방)

     

    [토론]

    인권위가 만든 인권위법 개정안과 가이드라인의 문제점 

    : 김동현 변호사(희망을 만드는 법, 민변 소수자인권위원회)

    ICC에 제출한 NGO 보고서 내용과 국제사회의 흐름 

    :강은지 활동가(국제민주연대)

    인권위원의 다원성 문제와 반인권 인물 최이우의 임명에 대해 

    : 이종걸 활동가(성소수자차별반대무지개행동)

    ICC 권고 이행을 위한 인권위 방안

    조형석 국제협력팀장(국가인권위원회) 

     


    출처: http://www.khis.or.kr/spaceBBS/bbs.asp?act=read&bbs=notice1&no=327&ncount=306&s_text=&s_title=&pageno=1&basic_url=

    http://hopeandlaw.org/442