Allegation letter to

-       The Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association

-       The Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression

 

진정사한 제출:

- 평화로운 집회 및 결사의 자유에 대한 권리 특별보고관

- 의사 및 표현의 자유에 대한 권리의 증진 및 보호 특별보고관

 

 

l  Case: Republic of Korea – Dissolution of the Unified Progressive Party

l  Date: 30 December 2014

l  Submitting Organization: MINBYUN-Lawyers for a Democratic Society

 

l 사건명: 대한민국 - 통합진보당 해산

l 일자: 2014. 12. 30.

l 제출기관: 민변 - 민주사회를 위한 변호사모임

 

 

1. Case Summary

           On November 5, 2013, the government of the Republic of Korea, the claimant of this case, requested a trial to the Constitutional Court of Korea to adjudicate dissolution of the Unified Progressive Party (UPP), on the ground that the objectives and activities of the UPP, the respondent, violate the basic orders of democracy. The Constitutional Court reviewed the case for a year through two rounds of argument preparation date and 18 rounds of date for pleading. In the process, the claimant and the respondent continued with their battle by submitting over 175,000 pages of documents and evidential materials. On December 19, 2014, the court ruled the dissolution of the UPP for i) the objectives and activities of the respondent are against the basic orders of democracy and there is no alternative measure to resolve such unconstitutional problems of the respondent. In addition, there exist social needs for the dissolution of the UPP, since the social benefits that will be induced by the decision on the dissolution of the UPP are much greater than the disadvantages that are to ensue from it. The Constitutional Court also ii) stripped every lawmaker belonging to the UPP of their positions in the National Assembly.

 

2. Problems and human rights violations cause by the Decision of the Constitutional Court

1) While the Constitutional Court of Korea acknowledges the guidelines of the Venice Commission on the basic principles and adjudication standards of the dissolution of unconstitutional political parties in principle, it did not apply them in their decision on this case, highlighting the unique circumstances of a divided nation. As a result, the Korean Constitutional Court excluded the general principle theories and distorted and arbitrarily modified the standards of the dissolution of political parties.

2) The decision of the Constitutional Court is based on the logic that the objectives of a political party have to be apprehended through “hidden objectives”, i.e. data other than a party platform, in order to reveal the real objectives. In other words, each and every activity of the members of the UPP has to be fragmented into pieces so as to finish a larger picture, the “hidden objectives”, by collecting those pieces that are suspected to be unconstitutional. However, such puzzle play for finding “hidden objectives” is to enable the government to wield power arbitrarily through analogical interpretation, which reminds of the state violence exercised under the Nazi’s criminal code.

3) When it comes to activities of a political party, the Constitutional Court regards the following as political party activities: all activities of any lawmaker of a party on top of the party leader, or representatives of the party congress, central committee, or the supreme council, which is an enforcement agency, that are carried out in the position as an influential politician within the party and closely related to the party; and the activities of individuals or groups belonging to a party that are defended or supported by the party. However, such judgment is much too comprehensive and against the principle of clarity in that individual and private activities outside the boundaries of a political party could come under the domain of political party activities.

4) The Constitutional Court states that there exists the so-called “leading force” that works toward achieving North Korea-style socialism within the party, whose arguments, notion, strategic method, and goal for a revolution are “in general identical or very similar” to those of North Korean socialistic ideology, and concludes that “such homogeneity or similarity goes beyond the range of a piecemeal or fragmentary category.” Nevertheless, the Constitutional Court is not yet able to provide a concrete proof regarding its premise about the “leading force”. Furthermore, the Constitutional Court is choosing an illogical proving method that simply compares the North’s argument with the wording of the argument of the “leading force” to judge their homogeneity or similarity, which only indirectly proves the fact that no circumstantial evidence was found during the trial process of over one year that proves the respondent is following North Korea.

5) Even when accepting the Constitutional Court’s view regarding the existence and tendency of the so-called “leading force”, it is a separate issue whether or not the political party is giving rise to the “concrete danger that will actually cast any evil influence”. Nevertheless, the Constitutional Court is establishing shallow criteria for definite danger by obscurely concluding that “the unconstitutional objectives of a political party serve as more than enough grounds for acknowledging a substantial danger, as long as political parties institutionally exist”.

6) Regarding the conditions for the dissolution of a political party, the Constitutional Court had the principle of proportionality as a standard of the adjudication on constitutionality. However, the adjudication has not served any role, as it is much too formal and moderated. The Court only provides vague standards by stipulating the circumstances “when there is no alternative method and the social benefits derived from the restriction of a political party’s freedom of political party activities exceed the disadvantages derived from imposing a critical constraint on a democratic society”. Moreover, there is no consideration provided at all regarding the intensity of the adjudication.

The Constitutional Court also excluded the condition of urgency to all intents and purposes by stating that “if the objectives and activities of a party bear critical unconstitutionality, the need for the dissolution of the party is acknowledged in the light of the preventive characteristics of the dissolution of a political party system”. Not only is such argument wholly against the complementary and supplementary natures of the principle of proportionality, it also disregards the intent of the Venice Commission, which stipulates that the dissolution of a political party policy is a kind of “passive safety valve”.

7) Meanwhile, regarding the claimant’s request for the forfeiture of the UPP’s parliamentary seats, the Constitutional Court accepted the claimant’s request arguing that the forfeiture of the seats is an essential effect of the dissolution of a political party system, while admitting the fact that there is no provision in the constitution and legislations as regard to the request. Such judgment falls outside the umbrella of the constitution and laws and is against the principle of proportionality in that every lawmaker of the UPP was uniformly forfeited of their seats. Furthermore, it is against the principle of separation of powers that the Constitutional Court ordered the forfeiture of the UPP’s seats without any legal ground, despite the fact that the Constitution of the Republic of Korea specifies the autonomous qualification screening and the punishment system for the National Assembly to conduct on lawmakers.

 

3. Expected Problems

1) When the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) was disbanded, about 125 thousand people related to the KPD were investigated, and over 6000 people among them received criminal penalties until the party was reorganized later. The people concerned had to bear all the disadvantages, tangible and intangible, induced from the process, such as dismissal from their works. This German case suggests a lot of implications to Korea.

2) After the Constitutional Court’s decision on the UPP, right-wing groups reported every member of the UPP to the investigative authority for violation of the National Security Act. It is highly likely that the existence and activities of the UPP will be included as the constitution of anti-government organization or group the benefits the enemy under the National Security Act, by directly adopting the logic of the court’s decision on this case based on the so-called “hidden objectives”. Moreover, extensive investigation and prosecution of ex-UPP personnel are also expected to ensue, signaling the politics by public security.

3) Furthermore, the current law regarding assembly and demonstration prohibits assemblies or demonstrations held to achieve the objectives of a disbanded political party, in accordance with the decision of the Constitutional Court. As such, public authority’s extreme suppression is expected to be made on assemblies or demonstrations that protest the Court’s decision on this case or assert and carry through the policy of the respondent.

4) What is more problematic is that democracy is expected to be extensively degraded in Korean society, with the intensification of self-censorship of political parties and citizens and the infringement of freedom of expression. The core of democracy is based on pluralism. A society where different opinions fiercely compete with one another in the public sphere and where free choices of the sovereign citizens are guaranteed, a society where minority opinions are not excluded just because they are minorities and where today’s minorities can be tomorrow’s majorities, such healthiness is the moving force of democracy. However, the Constitutional Court’s decision on this case is a constitutional declare that proclaims that nothing cannot help but be labeled as unconstitutional, if its contents critical of the governmental policies resemble even slight bit of the arguments of the North. Such declare poses a significant threat to the healthiness of democracy mentioned above, and this is why Korean civil society regards this decision as the dissolution of democracy rather than the dissolution of a political party and expresses a great concern.

 

 

4. References

1) Media Coverage on the decision of the Constitutional Court of Korea

19 December 2014, The Guardian

[News] South Korea court orders breakup of ‘pro-North’ leftwing party

http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/dec/19/south-korea-lefwing-unified-progressive-party-pro-north

19 December 2014, ALJAZEERA

[News] South Korea disbands ‘pro-North’ political party

http://www.aljazeera.com/news/asia-pacific/2014/12/s-korea-disbands-pro-north-political-party-2014121916373423851.html

 

2) International Concerns

19 December 2014, Amnesty International

South Korea: Ban on political party another sign of shrinking space for freedom of expression

http://www.amnesty.org/en/news/south-korea-ban-political-party-another-sign-shrinking-space-freedom-expression-2014-12-19

 

3) Press statement by the defense counsel regarding the Constitutional Court’s decision

http://minbyuneng.prizma.co.kr/?p=641

 

4) Korean NGO’s allegation letter

Allegation Letter to the SR on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association

Re: Requests of the dissolution of the Unified Progressive Party by the Republic of Korea government

http://minbyuneng.prizma.co.kr/?p=647

 

5. Who is submitting this Information?

This letter is submitted by:

Mr. Dong-hwa Lee, MINBYUN – Lawyers for a Democratic Society

5th Floor, Sinjeong Bldg, 1555-3, Seocho-dong, Seocho-gu, Seoul, Republic of Korea

Tel: +82(0)2 522-7284, , +82(0)10 9947 9920

Email: dhlee@minbyun.or.kr

 


Source: http://minbyuneng.prizma.co.kr/?p=650

Source: http://www.peoplepower21.org/International/1171910


2014. 6. 23.

 

참여연대, 밀양 행정대집행 과정에서의 심각한 인권침해 유엔 특별보고관에게 긴급청원 제출

 

폭력적이고 과도한 공권력 사용으로 인한 인권침해 전달

정부의 송전탑 건설 중단 및 주민들과의 진정성 있는 대화 촉구 

 

 

오늘(6/23) 참여연대 국제연대위원회는 지난 6월 11일 밀양시청의 행정대집행 과정에서 발생한 심각한 인권침해와 관련해 유엔 인권옹호자 특별보고관, 평화로운 집회결사의 자유 특별보고관, 의사표현의 자유 특별보고관, 안전하고 깨끗하며 건강하고 지속가능한 환경을 누리는 것과 관련한 인권 독립전문가에게 긴급청원을 제출했다. 참여연대는 행정대집행 과정에서 벌어진 과도한 공권력 행사, 강압적인 철거로 인한 주민들의 부상, 변호인 접견권 침해 및 경찰의 불법 채증 사례 등을 특별보고관들에게 전달하였으며, 밀양 송전탑 건설 중단과 주민과의 대화, 그리고 국가인권위원회의 적극적 개입을 한국 정부에 촉구해줄 것을 요청했다. 

 

밀양시청은 765kV 송전탑 건설 예정지인 101번, 115번, 127번, 129번 부지에 지어진 농성장을 불법 시설로 규정하고, 6월 11일 새벽에 행정대집행을 강행했다. 100명도 채 되지 않는 고령의 주민들을 진압하기 위해 동원된 인력은 경찰 2,000여 명, 밀양 공무원 200여 명이었다. 강제철거 과정에서 경찰은 알몸의 고령 여성이 있는 움막 안에 남성경찰을 투입시켰으며, 쇠사슬을 목에 감고 있는 주민들을 무리하게 끌어냈다. 그 과정에서 응급실에 실려 간 환자들을 포함해 총 21명의 부상자가 속출했다. 경찰은 취재 중인 기자를 끌어내거나 접근을 막았을 뿐 아니라, 신분을 밝힌 변호사의 주민 접견도 막는 등 과도한 인권침해를 자행하였다. 지난 6월 17일 방콕 소재 아시아 인권단체인 포럼아시아도 밀양 송전탑 건설 과정에서 일어나고 있는 심각한 인권침해에 우려를 표하고 정부의 과도한 조치에 대해 규탄하는 공개서한을 청와대, 밀양시청, 한국 전력, 경찰청, 국가인권위원회에 전달한 바 있다. 


유엔 특별절차는 심각한 인권침해 발생 시 서한을 통해 정부에 국제인권기준에 따른 적절한 조치와 인권침해 중단을 요청을 행사할 수 있다. 특히 유엔 인권옹호자 특별보고관은 작년 6월, 밀양 송전탑 건설 부지를 공식적으로 방문한 바 있으며 대규모 개발 프로젝트에서의 인권침해와 관련해 우려의 목소리를 내어왔다. 참여연대는 밀양 송전탑 건설 과정에서 발생하는 인권침해 사례들을 국제사회와 유엔에 지속적으로 알리고 밀양 송전탑 건설 문제가 평화롭게 해결 될 수 있도록 지속적으로 밀양 주민들과 함께 연대할 것이다.

 

붙임문서1. 2014년 6월 11일 밀양 인권침해에 대한 유엔 긴급청원서 (한글)

 

1. 배경

 

지난 2011년 후쿠시마 원전 사태 이후 일어난 반핵발전소에 대한 전 세계적 호소와 시민사회의 반대에도 불구하고 한국 정부는 핵발전소 증설 계획을 강행해왔다. 한국 정부의 에너지 정책은 핵발전소의 에너지 수급 비중을 지속적으로 늘리며 신규 원전 건설을 추진하는 방향으로 진행되어 왔다. 이러한 에너지 정책을 기반으로 현재 울산광역시 울주군에는 신규원전 신고리 3,4호기와 송전탑 건설이 진행되고 있다. 특히 신고리 핵발전소에서 생산되는 전기를 수도권과 대도시 등 인구 밀집 지역에 수송하기 위해 한국전력공사는 2007년 12월 정부로부터 승인을 받아 밀양 시내 5개 마을에 765kV 송전탑 69기를 건설하고 있다. 

 

밀양 송전탑 건설 예정지 5개 마을 주민들은 환경파괴, 건강권침해, 농작물피해 등을 이유로 지난 2007년부터 765kV 초고압 송전탑 건설을 반대해왔다. 지역주민들은 한전과 관련 정부기관, 지역 국회의원, 청와대에 찾아가 대책과 문제해결 노력을 촉구하였다. 그러나 한전과 정부는 지역주민들의 절박한 호소에 귀를 기울이지 않은 채 공사를 강행했다. 

 

공사에 반대하는 주민들에 대한 한국전력 직원과 사설 경비용역들의 갖은 협박과 욕설 및 폭력은 끔찍한 결과를 낳기도 했다. 2012년 1월 16일 새벽 4시에 102번 공사현장에 모여 공사를 막던 주민들은 50여 명의 용역들로부터 입에 담을 수 없는 욕설과 폭력을 당해야 했다. 이에 밀양시 산외면 희곡리 보라마을의 농민 이치우(74세) 어르신은 “내가 죽어야 이 문제가 해결 되겠다”는 말을 남기고 휘발유로 분신 자결하는 일이 발생했다. 

 

밀양 송전탑 건설 반대운동을 하던 마을주민들과 활동가들 중 많은 수가 연행되고 부상을 입는 등 인권탄압을 받았다. 밀양 송전탑 건설 반대 투쟁에 참여하는 주민들의 평균 연령은 70세다. 경찰은 고령의 주민들을 대상으로 과격한 진압과 무분별한 연행을 감행했는데, 주로 일반교통방해, 업무방해, 공무집행 방해 등 인권옹호활동을 해체하기 위해 악의적으로 법률을 적용하였다. 2013년 10월과 11월 두 달간 경찰의 강제 진압과 연행으로 인해 발생한 환자의 수는 64명에 이르렀다.

 

밀양 주민들의 송전탑 건설 반대 활동이 8년째 지속되던 2013년 5월 29일, 한국전력과 밀양 주민은 전문가협의체를 통한 대안을 마련하기로 결정하고 40일간의 공사 잠정 중단을 합의했다. 그러나 한전의 불성실한 자료 제출로 전문가협의체는 제대로 가동되지 못했다. 결국 한국전력은 기존입장을 고수한 채 2013년 10월 1일 새벽부터 공사를 재개하였다. 공사재개에 저항하던 주민들을 막기 위해 경찰병력 3,000명, 한전직원 1,000여 명, 밀양시청 직원 150명에 달하는 인원이 투입됐다. 고령의 주민들을 상대로 4,000명이 넘는 공권력이 동원된 것이다. 

 

송전탑 공사에 반대하는 마을 주민이 음독 자살하는 일도 발생했다. 송전탑 건설 예정지 부근에 살았던 유한숙씨는(74세, 남)는 지난 2013년 12월 2일 밀양 송전탑 공사 반대 농성에 나섰다가 농약을 마시고 음독 자살을 시도했다. 직후 병원에 이송되어 치료를 받았으나 6일 새벽 끝내 사망하였다. 가족과 병원관계자들에 따르면 병원에 입원했을 당시 유한숙씨는 “철탑이 들어서면 아무것도 못한다. 살아서 그것을 볼 바에야 죽는게 낫겠다”는 생각으로 자살을 시도했다고 한다. 이후 2013년 12월 12일 故 유한숙 어르신을 추모하기 위해 밀양 시민공원과 서울 시청 앞에 임시분향소가 마련되었으나 이후 얼마지나지 않아 경찰들에 의해 강제 철거당하였다.

 

 

2 2014년 6월 11일, 밀양시청의 행정대집행으로 인한 인권침해 상황

1) 과도한 공권력 투입 및 무분별한 연행

 

밀양 주민들은 송전탑 건설 부지와 마을 입구 등에 반대활동을 위한 농성장을 짓고 생활해왔다. 이에 밀양시청은 송전탑 건설예정지인 101번, 115번, 127번, 129번 부지의 반대농성장을 불법 시설로 규정하고 6월 9일 영장을 발부, 6월 11일 새벽 6시에 행정대집행을 강행하겠다고 예고하였다. 그리고 6월 11일 당일 6시 10분에 행정대집행이 시작되었다.

 

이 날 4개 건설 부지 농성장에 집결해 있던 채 100명이 안되는 고령의 주민들을 진압하기 위해 동원된 인력은 경찰 2,000여 명, 밀양시청 공무원 200여 명이었다. 마을 주민들은 강제 연행되지 않기 위해 함께 모여 서로 팔짱을 끼고, 오물을 던지며 저항했고, 쇠사슬로 목을 매고 알몸으로 저항했다. 그러나 경찰은 강압적으로 진압을 시작했고, 심지어 알몸으로 저항하는 여성 주민이 있는 움막 안에 남성경찰을 투입시켰고, 강제로 주민을 끌어냈다. 절단기를 들고 주민들이 목에 감고 있는 쇠사슬을 무리하게 절단했다. 

 

경찰은 집회결사의 자유를 제한하였으며, 악의적으로 법을 적용하여 저항하는 주민들을 무분별하게 연행했다. 강제철거 과정에서 경찰은 송전탑건설 반대를 위해 평화롭게 저항하는 마을 주민 1명과 현장에서 마을 주민을 지지하는 인권옹호자 1명에게 ‘공무집행방해’를 적용하여 현행범으로 체포하였다. 

 

2) 부상자 속출

 

경찰과 밀양시 공무원의 강제철거 과정에서 많은 부상자가 속출하였다. 6월 11일 오후 3시 30분 기준 주민 6명, 수녀 7명, 시민 1명이 경찰의 폭력적인 강제철거와 진압으로 인해 부상을 입었으며 일부는 응급 후송되었다. 당일 정부의 행정대집행으로 인해 부상을 당한 사람들은 총 21명이다.

 

경찰의 강제철거 과정에서 마을 주민 박모씨(74세, 남)는 경찰에게 지팡이를 빼앗겨 넘어졌고, 이 과정에서 발목이 골절되는 중상을 입었다. 밀양 부북면 위양마을 주민 2명 역시 다리골절과 허리부상으로 치료를 받았고, 수녀 2명 또한 팔 골절 등의 부상을 입었다.

 

농성 주민들 대다수가 고령인 것을 감안하면 당연히 주민의 부상 가능성을 대비해야 함에도 경찰은 적절한 대비를 하지 않았다. 경찰은 오히려 부상자를 방치했다. 움막에서 끌려나온 노인들 중에는 고혈압 약을 복용중인 환자도 있었으나, 경찰은 농성장 철거 전 필요한 약품을 챙겨오는 것을 막았다. 그럼에도 당일 강제 철거 현장에 대기하고 있던 구급차는 한 대 뿐이었다. 

 

3) 변호인 접견권 침해 및 언론 접근 방해

 

경찰은 현장 취재 중인 기자를 끌어내거나 접근을 막는 등 언론 활동을 방해 했으며, 주민들의 변호인 접견권도 침해했다. 민주사회를위한변호사모임(민변)소속의 한 변호사는 “변호사 신분을 밝혔으나 129번과 127번 농성장 인근에서 공무집행방해를 한다는 이유로 끌려 나왔다”며 “불법적 행위를 저지르지 않는 이상 변호사를 끌어내는 행위는 불법체포다”라고 밝혔다. 그러나 경찰은 농성장 주민들을 분리, 고착시키면서 자신들의 조치가 체포가 아니라는 이유로 주민들의 변호인 접견을 제지했다.

 

경찰의 강제철거 행위도 불법인 것으로 밝혀졌다. 법적으로 행정대집행의 주체는 밀양시청이 되어야 하고 경찰의 경우 만일의 상황의 대비해 보조적 역할만 이행하도록 되어있다. 그러나 6월 11일 행정대집행은 밀양시 공무원보다 경찰이 먼저 나서서 강제 철거하는 방식으로 진행했다. 

 

4) 불법 채증

 

경찰들은 강제철거 현장에서 채증 카메라를 동원하여 농성장의 주민들을 촬영하였다. 6월 11일 행정대집행이 시행되기 이전부터 경찰은 밀양에서 평화롭게 집회를 진행하는 주민들을 대상으로 채증을 남발해왔으며, 그냥 앉아서 쉬는 동안에도 상시적으로 채증을 해왔다.

 

경찰청 예규인 ‘채증활동규칙’에 따르면 채증은 ‘각종 집회, 시위 및 치안 현장에서 불법 또는 불법이 우려되는 상황을 촬영, 녹화 또는 녹음하는 것’을 말한다. 그러나 국가인권위원회는 지난 2014년 4월 10일 경찰의 광범위한 채증에 대해 “헌법이 보장하는 집회의 자유를 제한하는 결과를 초래할 수 있고, 집회 참가자가 불법행위를 하지 않은 경우 동의를 구하지 않고 채증 활동을 하는 것은 초상권을 침해할 소지가 있다”고 지적하며 집회 및 시위 현장에서의 경찰 채증 활동을 제한할 필요가 있다고 경찰청에 권고한바 있다. 1999년 대법원은 ‘영장 없이 이루어지는 채증의 경우 집회 및 시위 참가자의 불법 행위가 행하여지고 있거나 행하여진 직후, 증거 보전의 필요성 및 긴급성이 인정되는 경우에 한해 제한적으로 적용돼야 한다’고 판결한 바 있다. 

 

그럼에도 불구하고 밀양 현장에서 경찰은 마을 주민들을 대상으로 광범위한 채증을 남발하였다. 심지어 강제진압 과정에서 고령의 여성들이 손발에 경련을 일으키고 호흡곤란을 호소함에도 경찰은 주민들의 건강상태를 체크하기는커녕 그 상황을 비디오로 촬영하는데 그쳤다. 부상당한 주민을 범죄자로 취급하고 채증을 강행한 것은 명백한 불법이며 주민에 대한 비인도적인 처사이자 모욕적인 태도였다.

 

3. 국가인권위원회

 

국가인권위원회는 밀양 행정대집행 과정에서 인권침해가 발생하지 않도록 13명의 인권지킴이단을 경남 밀양에 파견하였으며, 경찰청에 행정대집행과정에서 인권보호를 위해 노력해줄 것을 요청했다고 밝혔다.

 

그러나 밀양 송전탑 건설 반대 농성장 현장에서 국가인권위원회 직원들은 경찰들이 주민들을 끌어내는 장면을 지켜보기만 하고 눈앞에 일어나는 인권침해를 직접 막지는 않았다. 인권침해 소지가 있다고 판단될 때 호루라기를 부는 수준으로 경찰의 인권침해 행위에 소극적으로 대응했다. 

 

국가인권위원회는 주민들이 부상을 당하는 상황에서도 경찰에게 어떠한 문제제기를 하거나 제지행위를 하지 않았고 경찰과 주민의 충돌을 지켜보는데 그쳤다.

 

4. 요구사항

 

정부는 초고압 송전탑 건설에 대한 주민들의 의견을 수렴하고 지역 주민들의 권리 보장을 실현하기 위해 진정성 있는 대화를 시작해야 한다.

 

경찰은 밀양 주민들과 인권옹호자들에 대한 더 이상의 인권침해를 예방·중단하고, 이미 철거과정에서 주민에게 과도한 물리력을 행사한 경찰력에 책임을 묻고 처벌해야 한다. 

 

국가인권위원회는 향후 공권력에 의한 인권침해 발생 시 적극 개입하여 정부와 경찰의 물리력 사용을 중단시킬 수 있는 방안을 마련해야 한다.

 

 

 

붙임문서2. 2014년 6월 11일 밀양 인권침해에 대한 유엔 긴급청원서 (영문)


미국 국제종교자유위원회, "종교비방" 개념에서 탈피한 인권이사회 결의안 환영

USCIRF Welcomes Move Away from "Defamation of Religions" Concept

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE


March 24, 2011

 

WASHINGTON, DC -The U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) welcomed the UN Human Rights Council"s significant step away from the pernicious "defamation of religions” concept. Today, the Council adopted a resolution on religious intolerance that does not include this dangerous concept. The defamation concept undermines individual rights to freedom of religion and expression; exacerbates religious intolerance, discrimination, and violence; and provides international support for domestic blasphemy laws that often have led to gross human rights abuses. The Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) has promoted this flawed concept at the United Nations for more than a decade.

"USCIRF and others, including the State Department, members of Congress, and NGOs, have worked hard against the defamation of religions concept for years. USCIRF specifically applauds Secretary Clinton and her team for today's result. We also thank Representatives Eliot Engel (D-NY), Christopher Smith (R-NJ), Shelley Berkley (D-NV), and Frank Wolf (R-VA), for their leadership roles on this issue,” said Leonard Leo, USCIRF chair. "Thanks to these efforts, and those of previous administrations and Congresses, more countries each year voted against the defamation of religions concept because they understood that blasphemy laws increase intolerance and violence. Tragically, it took the assassinations of two prominent Pakistani officials who opposed that country's draconian blasphemy laws-Federal Minister of Minorities Affairs Shahbaz Bhatti and Punjab governor Salman Taseer-to convince the OIC that the annual defamation of religions resolutions embolden extremists rather than bolster religious harmony.”

The efforts over the past several years by USCIRF, the State Department, Congress, and a broad coalition of NGOs helped bring about a steady loss of support both in Geneva and New York for the defamation resolutions. Since 2008, the resolutions have been supported by only a plurality of member states. In 2010, at both the UN Human Rights Council and General Assembly, defamation of religions resolutions garnered the least support and most opposition the issue had ever received, coming within, respectively, four and 13 votes of defeat.

In place of the divisive "combating defamation of religions” resolution, today the UN Human Rights Council adopted a consensus resolution on "combating intolerance, negative stereotyping and stigmatization of, and discrimination, incitement to violence, and violence against persons based on religion or belief.” The resolution properly focuses on protecting individuals from discrimination or violence, instead of protecting religions from criticism. The resolution protects the adherents of all religions or beliefs, instead of focusing on one religion. Unlike the defamation of religions resolution, the new consensus resolution does not call for legal restrictions on peaceful expression, but rather, for positive measures, such as education and awareness-building, to address intolerance, discrimination, and violence based on religion or belief.

"USCIRF is gratified that this new resolution recognizes that religious intolerance is best fought through efforts to encourage respect for every individual's human rights, not through national or international anti-blasphemy laws,” said Mr. Leo. "What is needed now is for countries, such as Pakistan, that have blasphemy laws to eliminate them.”

USCIRF is an independent, bipartisan U.S. federal government commission. USCIRF Commissioners are appointed by the President and the leadership of both political parties in the Senate and the House of Representatives. USCIRF's principal responsibilities are to review the facts and circumstances of violations of religious freedom internationally and to make policy recommendations to the President, the Secretary of State and Congress.

Islamic bloc drops 12-year U.N. drive to ban defamation of religion

 

이슬람권, UN에서 12년 간 종교비방을 금지시키려는 운동 그만두다

March 24, 2011

 

Tags:

(U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton addresses the high level segment of the 16th session of the Human Rights Council at the United Nations European headquarters in Geneva, February 28, 2011. REUTERS/Valentin Flauraud)

(U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton addresses the Human Rights Council in Geneva and urges it "to move beyond a decade-long debate over whether insults to religion should be banned or criminalised," February 28, 2011/Valentin Flauraud)

 

Islamic countries set aside their 12-year campaign to have religions protected from “defamation”, allowing the U.N. Human Rights Council in Genea to approve a plan to promote religious tolerance on Thursday. Western countries and their Latin American allies, strong opponents of the defamation concept, joined Muslim and African states in backing without vote the new approach that switches focus from protecting beliefs to protecting believers.

Since 1998, the 57-nation Organisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC) had won majority approval in the council and at the United Nations General Assembly for a series of resolutions on “combating defamation of religion”. Critics said the concept ran against international law and free speech, and left the way open for tough “blasphemy” laws like those in Pakistan which have been invoked this year by the killers of two moderate politicians in Pakistan. They argued that it also allowed states where one religion predominates to keep religious minorities under tight control or even leave them open to forced conversion or oppression.

 

bhatti funeral

(Funeral of Pakistan's Minister for Minorities Shahbaz Bhatti in Islamabad March 4, 2011. Pakistani Taliban assassinated Bhatti, a Catholic, for urging the repeal of the blasphemy law/Faisal Mahmood)

 

But Pakistan, which speaks for the OIC in the rights council, had argued that such protection against defamation was essential to defend Islam, and other religions, against criticism that caused offence to ordinary believers. Islamic countries pointed to the publication of cartoons depicting the prophet Mohammed in Denmark in 2005, which sparked anti-Western violence in the Middle East and Asia, as examples of defamatory treatment of their faith that they wanted stopped. However, support for the fiercely-contested resolutions — which the OIC had been seeking to have transformed into official U.N. human rights standards — has declined in recent years.

The new three-page resolution, which emerged after discussions between U.S. and Pakistani diplomats in recent weeks, recognises that there is “intolerance, discrimination and violence” aimed at believers in all regions of the world. Omitting any reference to “defamation”, it condemns any advocacy of religious hatred that amounts to incitement to hostility or violence against believers and calls on governments to act to prevent it.

The U.S.-based Human Rights First campaign group said the new resolution was “a huge achievement because…it focuses on the protection of individuals rather than religions” and put the divisive debates on defamation behind. However, diplomats from Islamic countries have warned the council that they could return to campaigning for an international law against religious defamation if Western countries are not seen as acting to protect believers.

 

(Supporters of the Sunni Tehreek religious party hold placards in support for Malik Mumtaz Hussain Qadri, the gunmen detained for the killing of Punjab Governor Salman Taseer, in Hyderabad January 9, 2011. Qadri, said he was angered by outspoken Punjab governor Taseer's opposition to Pakistan's controversial blasphemy law. Taseer, a liberal politician close to President Asif Ali Zardari, had championed the cause of a Christian woman sentenced to death under the blasphemy laws which critics say are used to target religious minorities, often to settle personal scores. REUTERS/Akram Shahid)

(Pakistani Islamists march in support of Malik Mumtaz Hussain Qadri, the gunmen detained for the killing of Punjab Governor Salman Taseer, assassinated because he advocated repeal of Pakistan's blasphemy law, in Hyderabad January 9, 2011/Akram Shahid)


Source:

http://blogs.reuters.com/faithworld/2011/03/24/islamic-bloc-drops-12-year-u-n-drive-to-ban-defamation-of-religion


Talk Human Rights!

2010 Model UN Human Rights Council Debate

  • Date: Wednesday,12 May 2010, 14:00
  • Venue: Baekyang Hall, Yonsei University (Seoul, Republic of Korea)
  • Co-Organizers: British Embassy Seoul, Yonsei Law School

인권을 논의합시다!

2010 모의 유엔인권이사회

  • 일시: 2010. 5. 12. (수) 14:00
  • 장소: 연세대학교 백양관
  • 공동주최: 주한 영국대사관, 연세대학교 법학전문대학원

Application Form | 지원서 양식: 📥 📥 📥 📥 📥


Cover Letter: 📥


📖 Booklet | 소책자: 📥 (Excerpts | 발췌), 📥 (Delegations | 대표단)


Poster: 📥



🎥 Videos | 동영상

Opening Ceremony

  • Introduction: Professor HONG Seong-Phil, Yonsei Law School
  • Opening Remark: H.E. Mr. Martin Uden, British Ambassador

개회식

  • 소개: 홍성필 교수 (연세대학교 법학전문대학원)
  • 개회사: Martin Uden 대사 (주한 영국대사관)


Beginning of the Session

  • Chair: Ambassador CHO Chang Beom, Vice President of United Nations Association of Korea

회기 시작

  • 의장: 조창범 대사 (유엔한국협회 부회장)


Oral Statement by the Winning Team

  • Delegation of Russia

우승팀의 구두발언

  • 러시아 대표단


Awarding

  • Best Team: Russia
  • Special Awards: Costa Rica, Spain, the Netherlands, Amnesty International, International Federation of Journalists

시상

  • 최우수팀: 러시아
  • 특별상: 코스타리카, 스페인, 네덜란드, 국제앰네스티, 국제기자연맹


Closing Remark

  • Frank La Rue, UN Special Rapporteur on the Promotion and Protection of the Right to Freedom of Opinion and Expression

폐쇄사

  • Frank La Rue UN 의사 및 표현의 자유에 대한 권리에 관한 특별보고관


Press Release: 📥

Talk Human Rights! Win a trip to the UN in Geneva...


2010-04-13 Seoul


The British Embassy and Yonsei University are hosting a competition for young Korean students to debate in a Model UN Human Rights Council. The winning team will travel to Geneva for a behind the scenes look at how the UN Human Rights Council operates in practice.


The British Embassy in Seoul and Yonsei Law School are organising a Model UN Human Rights Council debate on 12 May 2010 at Baekyang Hall, Yonsei University. Selected teams will debate a draft resolution on freedom of expression on the internet before a panel of expert judges. Each team will represent an assigned country, international organisation or NGO.


This event is also supported by the Korean government and related organisations, including the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade, Ministry of Justice, National Human Rights Commission of Korea, The United Nations Association of the Republic of Korea, Amnesty International, Korea Human Rights Foundation and Korea Centre for United Nations Human Rights Policy.


Ahead of the competition, British Embassy spokesperson Kate English said:


“The timing of this Model UN Human Rights Council debate is particularly meaningful as South Korea takes on the leadership of the G20. Korea has become a true Asian leader in human rights and is now speaking out internationally on human rights issues. As one of the most wired countries in the world, Korea is also at the forefront of the debate over freedom of expression on the internet. In this digital age, this is an urgent issue we should consider and discuss now.


So we are delighted to be able to host this Model UN Human Rights debate in partnership with Yonsei University. We are very keen to hear the views of students in Korea who have unique perspectives on these issues. Come and join the debate!”


All university students who are interested in international human rights, the UN and freedom of expression on the internet are welcome to join and watch the debate. The deadline for applications from teams is 19 April 2010. Interested students can also join the audience in Baekyang Hall, Yonsei University on 12th May from 17:00.


For more details visit: http://talkhumanrights2010.textcube.com.


Notes to Editors


For further information, please contact Yujin Jung at 02-3210-5565 or yujin.jung@fco.gov.uk


How to participate:


Join in....
Teams (up to 3 students) should apply to participate by sending a completed application form to talkhumanrights@gmail.com before 19 April 2010.


To download the application form and find out more details, please visit:
http://talkhumanrights2010.textcube.com


Watch...


To participate as an audience member, please come along to:
* Venue: Baekyang Hall, Yonsei University
* Date and time: 17.00, 12 May 2010(Wednesday)


보도자료: 📥

인권 토론 우승팀, 유엔인권이사회 본부가 있는 제네바로


2010-04-13 Seoul


주한영국대사관과 연세대 로스쿨은 국내 대학생 및 대학원생들을 대상으로 모델유엔인권이사회를 개최합니다. 최우수 팀으로 선정된 팀은 실제 유엔인권이사회 본부가 있는 제네바로 여행의 기회가 주어집니다.


주한영국대사관연세 로스쿨은 2010년 5월 12일 연세대학교 백양홀에서 모델유엔인권이사회 토론회를 개최합니다. 선정된 팀은 전문 심사단의 심사 하에 인터넷 상에서의 표현의 자유에 대한 결의안 초안에 대해 토론하게 됩니다. 각 팀은 여러 국가, 국제 기구 또는 NGO 단체들을 대표해 토론에 임하게 됩니다.


이번 행사는 외교통상부, 법무부, 국가인권위원회, 유엔한국협회, 국제엠네스티 한국지부, 한국인권재단, 사단법인유엔인권정책센터 등 한국 정부와 관련 기관들이 지원합니다.


토론회에 앞서 주한영국대사관의 케이트 잉글리시(Kate English) 대변인은 다음과 같이 말했습니다:


“올해 모델유엔인권이사회 개최는 한국의 G20 개최국으로서의 리더십을 수행하게 되는 해이니 만큼 더욱 뜻 깊습니다. 한국은 인권에 있어서 아시아의 진정한 리더로 자리매김하였으며 이제 국제적으로 이 인권 문제에 대해 목소리를 높여야 할 시점입니다. 한국은 인터넷 강국으로 ‘인터넷 상에서의 표현의 자유’ 문제에 있어서도 선두에 서 있습니다. 디지털 시대인 지금 이 이슈는 바로 고민하고 논의해야 할 문제임에 틀림 없습니다. 그리하여 연세 로스쿨과 파트너십을 통해 이번 모델유엔인권이사회를 개최하게 된 것을 기쁘게 생각하며 이 현안에 대해 다양한 한국 학생들의 의견을 듣게 되기를 기대합니다”


국제 인권, UN, 인터넷에서의 표현에 자유에 대해 관심이 있는 모든 대학 및 대학원 학생들은 토론회 참석과 관전을 환영합니다. 신청서 접수는 2010년 4월 19일 마감이며 토론은 5월 12일 수요일 오후 5시부터 연세대학교 백양홀에서 진행됩니다.


더 자세한 사항들은 아래의 웹사이트를 방문하면 얻을 수 있습니다.
http://talkhumanrights2010.textcube.com.


Introduction | 소개

The British Embassy in Seoul and the Graduate School of Law at Yonsei University are organising a Model UN Human Rights Council debate.

15 selected teams will debate, in English, before expert judges, and under the Chairmanship of a former MOFAT Ambassador and Deputy Minister, a draft resolution on Freedom of Expression on the Internet. Each team will represent an assigned country, international organisation or NGO.

All students currently studying at Korean universities who are interested in international human rights, the UN and the issue of freedom of expression on the internet are welcome to form a team and apply.


  • Venue: Baekyang Hall, Yonsei University

  • Date and time: 17.00, 12 May 2010 (Wednesday)


  • How to participate


    A team with three student members may apply for the participation by sending duly filled application to the organisers

    How to complete the application forms


    1) Application Form A: Short Biography of participants,


    Each student member should explain her/his background, academic and work experience, particularly in relation with human rights, future goal within 100 words.


    [Sample biography]
    David Beckham is currently in his second year at the Graduate School of Law at Yonsei University. He studied international relations during undergraduate course at the same university. From January to June 2009, he worked as intern at the Asia-Pacific Unit of UN Office of High Commissioner for Human Rights. As a student member of Amnesty International, he has actively participated in campaigning for the abolishment of death penalty since 2005. He is also interested in the topic of the impact of human rights policy on development in developing countries. He wishes to work for an international human rights NGO.


    2) Application Form B: Statement of purpose,


    Each team should explain within 300 words:
    a) why their team should be selected;
    b) if they won a trip to Geneva, what they would do;
    c) how they would advance the cause of human rights in the future.


    3) Application Form C: Reference letter of supervisors.


    Each team should also ask an academic referee to provide a short reference as to why he or she thinks your team should be selected to take part in the debate. Your academic referees should complete the reference form (Application Form C).


    4) Photo of applicants


    Please also provide a passport-size photo of each team member, and a group photo of the whole team. These will be used in the brochure for those selected to take part in the debate.


    How to submit application forms


  • The deadline for application is 16 April 2010.

  • Application Form and Photos of applicants should be submitted to talkhumanrights@gmail.com with email title of ‘Application form: [full name of team members]’.

  • How teams will be selected


    A Selection Committee composed of eminent human rights experts and staff of British Embassy will review the submitted application forms and select 15 teams to participate in the debate. The outcome will be notified to the selected teams only not later than 23 April 2010.
    Teams will also be told which country or organisation they will be representing (chosen at random by the Selection Committee), be given a draft resolution which they will need to study to prepare for the debate, together with guidance notes and research suggestions.


Program | 프로그램

법학연구원 아시아법센터가 주한영국대사관과

공동으로 학술대회를 개최하고자 합니다.

많은 참여를 부탁드립니다.


법학연구원 아시아법센터/주한영국대사관


1. 행사명: 2010모의 UN인권이사회

2. 일 시: 2010년 5월12일(수) 14:00~21:00

3. 장 소: 연세대학교 광복관&백양관

4. 주 최: 연세대학교 법학연구원

5. Program


14:00-16:45 오리엔테이션 장소 : 광복관


16:45-17:00 휴식 장소 : 백양관


17:00-17:20 개회 세레모니 장소 : 백양관


세레모니 : 홍성필교수 (연세대학교 법학전문대학원)

개회사 : H.E. Martin Uden (주한영국대사)

환영사 : 신현윤 원장 (연세대학교 법학전문대학원장)

축 사 : 현병철 (국가인권위원회 위원장)

기조연설: Mr. Frank La Rue

(UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Opinion and Expression) (tbc)

참가팀, 사회자 소개


17:20-18:20 색션 1

사회: Ambassador Cho, Chang Beom

(Vice-President of UN Association of Korea)

참사: 김종철 교수(연세대학교 전문대학원) (tbc)


18:20-18:30 휴식


18:30-19:50 색션 2


19:50-20:00 재판 미팅


20:00-20:10 폐회 세러모니

Remark of Judges: Mr. Adrian Jones (영국대사관)

폐회사 : 홍성필 교수 (연세대학교 법학전문대학원)


20:10-21:00 리셉션 장소: 백양관 로비

hosted by 영국대사관& Korea Internet Self-Governance Organization.


Scenario

The Special Rapporteur of the Human Rights Council on Freedom of Expression has been requested to examine ways and means to overcome the obstacles existing to the full and effective protection of freedom of expression on the internet, including how best to ensure free speech while at the same time ensuring that the rights and freedoms of others are not abused. The Human Rights Council requested the Special Rapporteur to include in annual reports "a chapter on the impact of legislation and the measures adopted by some States that could restrict freedom of expression on the internet On 9 September 2009, the Special Rapporteur submitted a questionnaire to all United Nations Member States, which addressed questions relating to five main themes: use of the internet by human rights defenders and journalists, anonymity, copyright issues, defamation including protection of religious beliefs, and regulatory issues including penalties.

Responses to the questionnaire have been disappointing. On 6 January2010, the Special Rapporteur presented his report based on the responses he received to the questionnaire. Due to the limited number of responses, the Human Rights Council decided to hold a meeting on 12 May 2010 to discuss the issue further. At the meeting on 12 May Member States and Observers will be asked to comment on and agree a draft resolution to create a new Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression on the Internet. The draft resolution contains a number of contentious issues for debate on which each participating delegation may take a different stand.


Draft Resolution | 결의안 초안

Draft Resolution (A/MODEL.HRC/1/L.1)
Freedom of Expression on the Internet


The Human Rights Council,


(1) Welcoming the benefits and opportunities that internet has brought in enabling news, information and ideas to be communicated in accordance with the right to Freedom of Expression in accordance with Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR);


(2) Welcoming the increased participation in the democratic process and attention to human rights abuses that widespread use of the internet has facilitated;

(3) Noting also that the right to freedom of expression is not an absolute one, and that Article 19(3) and Article 20(1) and (2) of the ICCPR do allow for certain restrictions but only if they are provided by law and are necessary to protect the rights and freedoms of others;


(4) Deplores the practice in some states of placing limitations on internet use in order to restrict legitimate freedom of expression. In particular, the council believes that self-regulation rather than criminal penalties should be the norm when dealing with abuse of the right of freedom of expression on the internet;


(5) Decides to establish the post of Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression on the Internet, for an initial period of 3 years. The Special Rapporteur is requested to continue to examine ways and means of overcoming existing obstacles to the full and effective realisation of the right to freedom of expression on the internet;


(6) Calls upon all UN Member States, to cooperate fully with the Special Rapporteur in the performance of the tasks and duties mandated, and within 6 months of the date of this resolution, to provide the Special Rapporteur with comprehensive information, in the format requested by him and to facilitate such visits that the Special Rapporteur may wish to make to their territories;


(7) Strongly urges all States to remove all existing reservations and declarations to Articles 19 and 20 of the ICCPR.












On 12 May, the British Embassy in Seoul and Yonsei Law School co-hosted a lively student debate on the topic of freedom of speech on the internet. The debate, called "Talk Human Rights 2010" was held in the format of a Model UN Human Rights Council. Fifteen teams, representing countries, international organizations and NGOs, battled it out to win a trip to Geneva for a behind the scenes visit. Among the 15 teams, the Russian delegation composed of 3 postgraduate students from Seoul National University (Pia Kim, Claire O'Connell, and Sumin Jeon) was chosen by a an expert panel of judges as the winning team and were awarded plane tickets and accommodation for a trip to Geneva.